Korean specificational pseudoclefts exhibit a paradox. On the one hand, anaphor binding facts indicate that the pivot (or an element co-indexed with it) must originate in a position located within the presupposition CP. Nonetheless, specificational pseudoclefts appear to be island-insensitive. To resolve this paradox, I propose an extraction analysis whereby only caseless focus nominals base-generated in the complement position of verbs or in the left-periphery of the presupposition CP may function as pivots, and reach their surface position. This proposal has several implications. First, caseless nominals are structurally reduced, when compared to case-marked nominals containing a case projection. Second, caseless nominals base-generated in the left-periphery of CPs can be foci conveying contrastive (exhaustive) new information. Third, anaphor connectivity effects are tied to syntactic movement of focus phrases and reconstruction. Lastly, specificational pseudoclefts and copular constructions do not have the same underlying structure.

中文翻译：

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韩国规范 Pseudoclefts 作为无壳焦点标称提取*

韩国规范假裂表现出一个悖论。一方面，照应绑定事实表明枢轴（或与其共同索引的元素）必须起源于位于预设 CP 内的位置。尽管如此，规范的假裂缝似乎对岛不敏感。为了解决这个悖论，我提出了一种提取分析，即只有在动词的补语位置或在假设 CP 的左边缘生成的无格焦点名词才能充当枢轴，并到达它们的表面位置。这个提议有几个含义。首先，与包含案例投影的带案例标记的名义相比，无案例名义在结构上减少了。其次，在 CP 的左边缘生成的无壳名词基础可以成为传达对比（详尽）新信息的焦点。第三，照应连接效应与焦点短语的句法移动和重构有关。最后，规范的假裂缝和连接结构不具有相同的基础结构。