It is argued that the ban on propositional “inside” negation in Hungarian polar e-interrogatives can be derived as a syntactic intervention effect. An Agree-based formalization is sketched that crucially relies on a diachronically motivated negative formal feature on the interrogative particle -e. A putative counterexample is taken to be echoic. We indicate a way to capture the echoic licensing of propositional negation within an extended formalism.

中文翻译：

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关于匈牙利极地电子疑问句中没有命题否定*

有人认为，在匈牙利极地电子疑问句中禁止命题“内部”否定可以作为句法干预效果推导出来。勾画了一个基于同意的形式化，它关键依赖于疑问粒子 - e上的历时动机的否定形式特征。一个假定的反例被认为是呼应的。我们指出了一种在扩展形式主义中捕捉命题否定的回声许可的方法。