This paper focuses on intervention effects obtained by embedding a topic constituent (either a displaced topic or a clitic left-dislocated topic) within the domain of wh-movement. We present the results of two acceptability judgment tests carried out in European Portuguese (EP), which indicate that only a subset of the constructions in which a topic intervenes in the path of wh-movement is judged acceptable by native speakers. The pattern that emerges can be described by the following generalization: (1) A wh-movement dependency may contain a topicalized or clitic left-dislocated constituent in its scope iff the full topic-(cl)-gap dependency is contained within the path of wh-movement. This generalization indicates that a version of the no crossing constraint (e.g., Fodor 1978; Pesetsky 1982) holds in these configurations. We discuss the challenges faced by a purely syntactic account of (1) and suggest that a more promising line of an approach is one that attempts to derive (1) from processing constraints.

中文翻译：

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欧洲葡萄牙语左边缘多重依赖的约束

本文重点关注通过在 wh-movement 域中嵌入主题成分（移位主题或附着体左脱位主题）获得的干预效果。我们展示了在欧洲葡萄牙语 (EP) 中进行的两个可接受性判断测试的结果，这表明只有一个主题干预 wh 运动路径的结构的一个子集被母语者判断为可接受。出现的模式可以通过以下概括来描述：（1）如果完整的主题-（cl）-gap 依赖包含在wh-运动。这种概括表明，无交叉约束的一个版本（例如，Fodor 1978；Pesetsky 1982）在这些配置中成立。