inent figures like Fitzgibbon, Gowan and O’Callaghan were atypical. They may well have been revered in some circles as exemplars of Irish masculinity, but the majority of Irishmen neither aspired to nor had the opportunities to emulate them. Most were concerned with the humdrum of daily existence, like the 50,000 or so Irish who arrived at the port of Quebec between 1815 and 1824 and invariably found employment as small farmers or as labourers on big infrastructure projects such as the Lachine Canal in Montreal (p. 169). Few Irishmen in pre-confederation Canada were violent or disruptive, yet they faced an ingrained presumption that they were, simply because of their Irishness (p. 35). The infamy of groups like the Shiners ― a brotherhood of hard-drinking and brutal Irish Catholic lumberjacks in the Ottawa Valley during the 1830s― coloured perceptions of Irish settler behaviour for decades afterwards (p. 134). In addition to dealing with negative stereotypes, Catholic and Protestant Irishmen in the Canadas experienced discrimination and restricted social mobility. Catholics had the added burden of being dual minorities because of their religion in the British world and their ethnicity and language in the French Canadian one. These factors and others, McGaughey argues, meant that being an Irish man in the Canadas was ‘consistently contentious’ (p. 10). Irishmen in the Canadas were often expected to conform to traditional, rural conceptions of masculinity. Stoical individualism, the ability to endure extreme privations, isolation and danger, all while carving a successful farmstead from the rugged wilderness were the markers of manliness in the new world (p. 64). As was frequently the case for the Irish migrant, contemporaries viewed masculinity through a sectarian lens so that in the aftermath of the 1798 rebellion Wexford Protestants were portrayed to the Colonial Office as loyal, industrious and self-sufficient, while Catholics from the same county were described as slovenly and only of ‘tolerably good conduct’ (p. 60). Violent loyalties is a study of identity. As with all studies of identity, it eventually reaches the inevitable conclusion: that there was no singular form of masculinity and that Irishmen demonstrated, or were characterised by, numerous forms of manliness. An obvious conclusion does not mean a valueless one of course, and this is afine book. It brings a refreshing and absorbing perspective to Irish diasporic studies, and will no doubt stimulate additional important work on Irish masculinities.

中文翻译：

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美国的爱尔兰民族主义者：流亡政治，1798-1998。大卫·布伦戴奇。第 288 页。纽约：牛津大学出版社。2016 年（平装版 2019 年）。19.99 英镑的平装本。

像 Fitzgibbon、Gowan 和 O'Callaghan 这样的天才人物是非典型的。他们很可能在某些圈子里被尊为爱尔兰男子气概的典范，但大多数爱尔兰人既没有渴望也没有机会效仿他们。大多数人都关心日常生活的单调乏味，例如 50,000 左右的爱尔兰人，他们在 1815 年至 1824 年间抵达魁北克港，并总是以小农或在蒙特利尔拉钦运河等大型基础设施项目中的劳工身份找到工作（p . 169). 在联邦之前的加拿大，很少有爱尔兰人是暴力或破坏性的，但他们面临一个根深蒂固的假设，即他们是，仅仅因为他们是爱尔兰人（第 35 页）。像 Shiners 这样的团体的臭名昭著——1830 年代在渥太华谷的酗酒和残忍的爱尔兰天主教伐木工兄弟会——在之后的几十年里对爱尔兰定居者的行为有不同的看法（第 134 页）。除了处理负面的刻板印象外，加拿大的天主教和新教爱尔兰人还遭受歧视和限制社会流动。由于他们在英国世界的宗教信仰以及他们在法裔加拿大人中的种族和语言，天主教徒承担了双重少数民族的额外负担。McGaughey 认为，这些因素和其他因素意味着作为加拿大人的爱尔兰人“一直存在争议”（第 10 页）。人们通常期望加拿大的爱尔兰人遵守传统的农村男子气概。坚忍的个人主义，忍受极端贫困的能力，孤立和危险，同时在崎岖的荒野中开辟出成功的农庄是新世界男子气概的标志（第 64 页）。与爱尔兰移民经常发生的情况一样，同时代人通过宗派视角看待男子气概，因此在 1798 年叛乱之后，韦克斯福德新教徒在殖民办公室被描绘成忠诚、勤奋和自给自足，而来自同一县的天主教徒则是被描述为邋遢，只是“行为良好”（第 60 页）。暴力忠诚是对身份的研究。与所有身份研究一样，它最终得出一个不可避免的结论：没有单一形式的男子气概，爱尔兰人表现出或以多种形式的男子气概为特征。当然，一个明显的结论并不意味着没有价值，这是一本好书。