many of what Brundage terms the ‘ongoing work of political imagination and discursive invention’ that was central to advancing Irish nationalist ideas (p. 5). Arranged chronologically, the book journeys from the Tones and the exiles of 1798 through to the Good Friday Agreement at the close of the twentieth century. Each chapter succinctly contextualises events in America by providing a backdrop of the political developments in Ireland. The adoption of such a broad timeframe allows Brundage to demonstrate the changing nature of Irish American nationalism, which was in a regular state of flux. Physical force and constitutional nationalists both enjoyed their moments in the sun, just as both experienced stretches in the doldrums. Throughout they had to contend with the constant evolution of Irish America itself. The religious, social and political diasporic world encountered by the United Irish exiles of the early 1800s was a very different place to the one found by the Young Irelanders of the 1850s, or the anti-treaty republicans of the 1920s. The author also finds variance and complexity in the nationalist ideals espoused throughout his study period. While some embraced a radical republican vision, others were more conservative, aspiring towards more moderate change. Equally there were those who advocated for a secular nationalism, just as there were those who desired to see Catholicism at the heart of any independent Ireland. And while some confined themselves solely to the cause of Ireland, there were others for whom nationalism was but one component of a wider struggle for transnational social and political change. A particularly refreshing aspect of Brundage’s work is his effort to explore the track record of Irish nationalists on the inclusion (and exclusion) of women, and their position on issues such as women’s suffrage. Again, here he encounters much contrast. Writing in 1915, Mary J. O’Donovan Rossa— who supported the right to vote— opined that within Clan na Gael women ‘must be absolutely under obedience to the authorised men and takewilling guidance from them’ (p.139). Meanwhile, others, such as the nationalists of the United Irish League of America, were welcoming women to leading positions within their organisation at a time when only one Irish United Irish League branch was admitting them to membership. Brundage provides similar insights into nationalist interactions with labour activism and racial inequality, issues which (along with political engagement) serve to illustrate how life in America could influence Irish nationalists and how they, in turn, influenced America. Among the former were men like Denis Driscol, the anti-slavery United Irishman who in the United States published offers of reward for runaways and defended the often-extreme punishments inflicted upon the enslaved. Among the latter were those like anti-treaty I.R.A. veteran Mike Quill, who in 1934 was elected president of the 30,000 strong Transport Workers’Union and later became a member of the New York City Council. This book is ambitious in scope and engaging in approach. Brundage even finds room for the occasional foray into global Irish nationalism, such as in the section on Fenianism in the wider world (pp 108–10). The volume succeeds in marshalling a dauntingly broad topic into a cohesive, well-written and insightful whole, in what is sure to become a standard text. It stands as an important and highly useful contribution to the ever-expanding body of scholarly work examining Irish nationalism in a transnational perspective.

中文翻译：

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势不可挡的爱尔兰人：1783-1883 年纽约爱尔兰人的歌曲和融合。通过丹米尔纳。第 294 页。印第安纳州南本德：圣母大学出版社。2019 年。40 美元精装本。

许多布伦戴奇称之为“正在进行的政治想象和话语发明的工作”，这对推进爱尔兰民族主义思想至关重要（第 5 页）。这本书按时间顺序排列，从 1798 年的音调和流放者一直到 20 世纪末的耶稣受难日协议。每一章都通过提供爱尔兰政治发展的背景，简洁地将美国的事件背景化。采用如此广泛的时间框架使布伦戴奇能够展示爱尔兰裔美国民族主义不断变化的性质，这种民族主义处于经常变化的状态。体力和立宪民族主义者都在阳光下享受着他们的时光，就像他们都经历过低迷时期一样。在整个过程中，他们不得不与爱尔兰美洲本身的不断演变作斗争。宗教的，1800 年代初期爱尔兰流亡者所遇到的社会和政治流散世界与 1850 年代的年轻爱尔兰人或 1920 年代反条约的共和党人发现的世界截然不同。作者还发现他整个研究期间所信奉的民族主义理想存在差异和复杂性。虽然一些人接受了激进的共和主义愿景，但另一些人则更为保守，渴望进行更温和的变革。同样有些人主张世俗的民族主义，就像有些人希望看到天主教成为任何独立爱尔兰的核心一样。虽然有些人只将自己局限于爱尔兰的事业，但对另一些人来说，民族主义只是为实现跨国社会和政治变革而进行的更广泛斗争的一个组成部分。布伦戴奇工作中一个特别令人耳目一新的方面是他努力探索爱尔兰民族主义者在包容（和排斥）女性方面的记录，以及他们在女性选举权等问题上的立场。再一次，他在这里遇到了很多对比。1915 年，支持投票权的 Mary J. O'Donovan Rossa 写道，在 Clan na Gael 中，女性“必须绝对服从授权的男性并自愿接受他们的指导”（第 139 页）。与此同时，其他人，例如美国爱尔兰联合联盟的民族主义者，在只有一个爱尔兰联合爱尔兰联盟分支机构承认她们成为成员的时候，欢迎女性担任其组织内的领导职务。布伦戴奇对民族主义与劳工激进主义和种族不平等的相互作用提供了类似的见解，这些问题（连同政治参与）有助于说明美国的生活如何影响爱尔兰民族主义者，以及他们如何反过来影响美国。前者中有丹尼斯·德里斯科尔（Denis Driscol）这样的人，他是反奴隶制的爱尔兰联合人，他在美国公布了对逃亡者的奖励，并为对被奴役者施加的经常极端的惩罚辩护。Among the latter were those like anti-treaty IRA veteran Mike Quill, who in 1934 was elected president of the 30,000 strong Transport Workers'Union and later became a member of the New York City Council. 这本书在范围和方法上都雄心勃勃。布伦戴奇甚至为偶尔涉足全球爱尔兰民族主义找到了空间，例如在更广泛世界的芬尼亚主义部分（第 108-10 页）。该卷成功地将一个令人生畏的广泛主题编组为一个有凝聚力、编写良好且富有洞察力的整体，并且肯定会成为标准文本。它是对不断扩大的从跨国角度研究爱尔兰民族主义的学术工作的重要且非常有用的贡献。