An old observation about the focus sensitive particles only and even is that they are in some sense scalar antonyms. We examine three schematic proposals raised in the literature to capture this observation, namely that only vs. even presuppose that the proposition denoted by their prejacent, p, is lower vs. higher, respectively (A) than what is EXPECTED/the default STANDARD (the ‘mirative/evaluative antonymy’ view), (B) than SOME (salient) alternative in the set of contextually relevant focus alternatives, C, (the ‘existential antonymy’ view), or (C) than ALL alternatives in C (the ‘superlative antonymy’ view). To tease these views apart, we examine the behavior of only vs. even in a wide range of contexts and types of discourse, concentrating on the way the C set of contextually relevant alternatives with only (C) (p) and even (C) (p) is constrained by the interaction of (i) previously uttered sentences and (ii) the salient QUD. Based on these examinations we argue for the preferability of the ‘superlative antonymy’ view of only and even. In contrast, we argue that the ‘existential’ antonymy and the ‘mirative/evaluative’ antonymy between only and even are apparent. The former only holds in specific contexts where one alternative to p is made maximally salient. As to the latter, we show that while an evaluative (‘above the standard’ / ‘a lot’) inference is hardwired into the scalar presupposition of even, alongside the superlative inference, the mirror imaged one (‘below the standard’ / ‘a little’) is cancellable for only. We propose that this inference can be derived from the interaction of the superlative scalar presupposition of only and domain based constraints on alternatives in C.

关于焦点敏感粒子的一个古老的观察，甚至是它们在某种意义上是标量的反义词。我们检查了文献中提出的三个示意性建议以捕捉这一观察结果，即仅假设与甚至假设由其相邻的p表示的命题分别(A)低于预期/默认标准( 'mirative/evaluative antonymy' view ), (B)比SOME (salient) alternative in the set of contextually relevant focus alternatives, C, ( the 'existential antonymy' view ), or(C)比C 中的所有备选方案（“最高级反义词”观点）。为了梳理这些观点，我们研究了only与even在广泛的语境和话语类型中的行为，重点关注 C 组与only (C) (p)和even (C)的语境相关备选方案的方式 (p)受到 (i) 先前说出的句子和 (ii) 突出的 QUD 的相互作用的约束。基于这些检验，我们主张only和even的“最高级反义”观点更可取. 相比之下，我们认为only和even之间的“存在”反义词和“mirative/evaluative”反义词是显而易见的。前者仅在特定情况下成立，在这种情况下，p的一个替代方案被最大限度地突出。至于后者，我们表明，虽然评估（“高于标准”/“很多”）推理被硬连线到even的标量预设中，除了最高级推理外，镜像推理（“低于标准”/“ a little')仅可取消。我们建议这个推论可以从C 中的替代品的唯一和基于域的约束的最高级标量预设的相互作用中得出。