The last fifty years have witnessed the production of a large body of scholarship exploring the political and social history of the Irish Civil War and its aftermath. Debate has focused principally on the administrative abilities and democratic credentials of the Free State government and the extent to which revolutionary ideals were expressed institutionally following the ratification of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921. However, there has been strikingly little attempt to contextualise, rather than appraise, the lineage of the moral and ideological assumptions embedded in the executive council's public professions of political conviction, or to understand Treatyite policy-making on its own terms. In particular, historians have tended to weigh and measure the performance of the Cumann na nGaedheal government against anachronistic and moralising definitions of what the Irish revolution stood for at the expense of any systematic attempt to reconstruct the manner in which relevant historical actors understood this relationship. Focusing on the heterodox intellectual firmament of the Irish-Ireland movement, this paper demonstrates that the Cumann na nGaedheal government never abandoned the political languages of the revolution; rather, they constructed an ideology to support the new state rooted in their own interpretation of what they considered revolutionary ideals of Irish-Ireland nationalism.

中文翻译：

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条约派政治思想中的革命和民族主义，1891-1924

在过去的五十年里，产生了大量探索爱尔兰内战及其后果的政治和社会历史的学术成果。辩论主要集中在自由州政府的行政能力和民主资格，以及 1921 年英爱条约批准后革命理想在制度上表达的程度。然而，几乎没有人试图将其背景化，而是比起评估，嵌入在执行委员会的政治信念的公共职业中的道德和意识形态假设的血统，或者以自己的方式理解 Treatyite 政策制定。尤其，历史学家倾向于权衡和衡量 Cumann na nGaedheal 政府的表现，反对爱尔兰革命所代表的不合时宜和道德化的定义，而牺牲了任何系统性的尝试来重建相关历史参与者理解这种关系的方式。本文着眼于爱尔兰-爱尔兰运动的异端知识分子天空，表明 Cumann na nGaedheal 政府从未放弃革命的政治语言；相反，他们构建了一种意识形态来支持新国家，这种意识形态植根于他们自己对爱尔兰-爱尔兰民族主义革命理想的解释。