Talmy’s (1991; 2000a; 2000b) influential work on motion events provides a strong two-way typology that can examine and account for the typology of a language, but this framework is basically synchronic. It may not be equally valid to explain language change. In this paper, we apply the event integration theory and its latest development, The Macro-event Hypothesis (Li, 2020, 2023), to account for the development of the causative verb 使-shǐ-make (SHI for short) in Chinese. This study reveals that, firstly, the multi-functional behavior of SHI represents a typical case of grammaticalization, with a full verb acquiring the role of conjunction and expressing abstract meanings. Secondly, the semantic division of the causative and non-causative uses of SHI in Contemporary Chinese is the most clear-cut. Thirdly, causative SHI shows a greater level of semantic bleaching, and the construction profiles a single causal activity and has a higher degree of event integration when compared to its lexical verbal use. The constructional grammaticalization of SHI confirms that event integration is key to its development. This study verifies The Macro-event Hypothesis of a continuum of grammaticalization in language and uncovers the process of semantic gradation that takes place in Chinese.

中文翻译：

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事件整合作为语言变化的驱动力：来自汉语使-shǐ-make的证据

Talmy (1991; 2000a; 2000b) 关于运动事件的有影响力的工作提供了强大的双向类型学，可以检查和解释语言的类型学，但这个框架基本上是共时的。解释语言变化可能并不同样有效。在本文中，我们应用事件整合理论及其最新发展宏观事件假说（Li，2020，2023）来解释使动动词使-shǐ-的发展制作（简称SHI）中文。本研究表明，首先，SHI的多功能行为代表了语法化的典型案例，完整动词获得了连词的作用并表达了抽象意义。其次，现代汉语中“SHI”的使役和非使役语义划分最为明确。第三，使役SHI表现出更高水平的语义漂白，其结构描述了单一的因果活动，并且与词汇言语使用相比具有更高程度的事件整合。SHI 的结构语法化证实了事件整合是其发展的关键。本研究验证了语言语法化连续体的宏观事件假说，揭示了汉语语义分级的过程。