Reviewed by:

• Disciplined Dissent in Western Europe, 1200–1600: Political Action between Submission and Defiance ed. by Fabrizio Titone
• Grace May Howe

This book, edited by Fabrizio Titone, comprises twelve essays, each examining acts of ‘disciplined dissent’ in medieval and early modern Western Europe. Titone defines this form of protest as gradual and peaceful, where ‘those who dissent might intercept and use the cultural repertoire’ to legitimise their claims and to appear less threatening to authorities (p. 7). The essays in this collection cover a rich variety of subject matter and source material, demonstrating that disciplined dissent was an effective method of protest and regularly employed by the less powerful to achieve their means. Titone’s opening essay covers several fascinating case studies examining how non-elites in fifteenth-century Sicilian communities sought political recognition through non-violent means, opting to use channels of governments and legal concepts such as the utilitas rei publicae to check abuses of power (pp. 13–15). In fifteenth-century Catania, for example, the artisans and populares collaborated to prevent export fraud in their communities, positioning themselves as trustworthy subjects working in the service of the king and gaining political representation in the process.

Vincent Challet, meanwhile, explores how French peasants were granted legal rights to self-defence during the Hundred Years War. Challet observes that by the Middle Ages, the French monarchy had prohibited unauthorised assemblies of armed civilians, fearful of the threat posed by a militarised peasantry (pp. 253–54). However, the real presence of violence in local communities gave sufficient reason for French peasants to arm themselves against potential incursions. Such was the case with a siege conducted by villagers from Cournonterral, in southern [End Page 272] France (pp. 247–48). The assembly had previously conducted a successful and coordinated assault against English pillagers, before engaging another attack against what they assumed to be another enemy force. In a case of mistaken identity, the assailants were mercenaries of the Duke of Berry, operating on behalf of the king. The villagers were pardoned after it was ruled that the peasants were entitled to self-defence.

And Martin Ingram examines how married Englishwomen between 1400 to 1600 might seek recourse against violent husbands. Ingram notes that for the most part, medieval and early modern women had limited legal or social resources to protect them from spousal abuse (pp. 307–09). The household was the basic unit of government, and wives were subject to their husbands in the same way that citizens were subject to the authority of the ruling monarch. As such, it was legally permissible for husbands to discipline their wives (p. 308). Strict gender roles often meant that abused women were isolated in their households, preventing them from seeking legal intervention. But Ingram argues that the proximity between houses, and the hubbub of activity in communities, gave wives occasion to draw their injuries to the attention of domestic servants, neighbours, local magistrates, family, the clergy, and medical professionals. Visible marks and bruises were a tell-tale sign of domestic violence, but her cries might also attract community assistance and arouse public sympathy. Ingram argues this method of dissent played on the ‘permeability of the domestic space’ and helped gather crucial witnesses in the event of legal action (p. 320).

Ingram notes that the involvement of the clergy was particularly effective in this regard. While many of the arguments in favour of patriarchal rule and domestic violence were taken from the Bible, Ingram contends that by the end of the sixteenth century there existed a growing number of sympathetic clergymen who inverted points of scripture to condemn spousal abuse (p. 318). In the Christian Oeconomie (London, 1609), for example, William Perkins employed the ‘one flesh’ argument to denounce abusive husbands. The rich variety of material cited throughout the essay offers readers a fascinating glimpse into how abused wives harnessed community support in domestic disputes.

A real strength to this collection of essays is...

审阅者：

• 西欧有纪律的异议，1200-1600：服从与反抗之间的政治行动编辑。作者：法布里奇奥·蒂托内
• 格蕾丝·梅·豪

这本书由法布里奇奥·蒂托内 (Fabrizio Titone) 编辑，由十二篇文章组成，每篇文章都考察了中世纪和近代早期西欧的“有纪律的异议”行为。蒂托内将这种形式的抗议定义为渐进且和平的，“那些持不同政见的人可能会拦截并利用文化手段”来使他们的主张合法化，并减少对当局的威胁（第 7 页）。该文集中的文章涵盖了丰富的主题和来源材料，表明有纪律的异议是一种有效的抗议方法，并且经常被权力较小的人用来实现他们的目的。蒂托内的开篇文章涵盖了几个引人入胜的案例研究，探讨了十五世纪西西里社区的非精英如何通过非暴力手段寻求政治认可，选择使用政府渠道和法律概念，例如utilitas rei publicae来检查权力的滥用（第 13-15 页）。例如，在十五世纪的卡塔尼亚，工匠和民众合作防止社区中的出口欺诈，将自己定位为为国王服务的值得信赖的主体，并在此过程中获得政治代表权。

与此同时，文森特·沙莱探讨了法国农民如何在百年战争期间获得合法的自卫权。沙莱指出，到了中世纪，法国君主制出于担心军事化农民构成的威胁，禁止武装平民未经授权集会（第 253-54 页）。然而，当地社区真实存在的暴力事件给法国农民提供了充分的理由武装自己以抵御潜在的入侵。南部 Cournonterral 的村民围攻就是这种情况[完第 272 页]法国（第 247-48 页）。该集会此前曾对英国掠夺者进行了一次成功的协调攻击，然后又对他们认为是另一支敌军进行了另一次攻击。在一次身份错误的情况下，袭击者是贝里公爵的雇佣兵，代表国王行事。在裁定农民有权自卫后，村民们被赦免。

马丁·英格拉姆 (Martin Ingram) 研究了 1400 至 1600 年间已婚英国女性如何寻求针对暴力丈夫的求助。英格拉姆指出，在大多数情况下，中世纪和现代早期的女性保护她们免受配偶虐待的法律或社会资源有限（第 307-09 页）。家庭是政府的基本单位，妻子服从丈夫，就像公民服从统治君主的权威一样。因此，法律允许丈夫管教妻子（第 308 页）。严格的性别角色往往意味着受虐待的妇女在家庭中被孤立，阻止她们寻求法律干预。但英格拉姆认为，房屋之间的距离以及社区活动的喧闹使妻子有机会将自己的伤害引起家庭佣人、邻居的注意，地方法官、家庭、神职人员和医疗专业人员。明显的痕迹和瘀伤是家庭暴力的明显迹象，但她的哭声也可能吸引社区援助并引起公众同情。英格拉姆认为，这种异议方法利用了“家庭空间的渗透性”，并有助于在采取法律行动时收集关键证人（第 320 页）。

英格拉姆指出，神职人员的参与在这方面特别有效。虽然许多支持父权统治和家庭暴力的论点都取自《圣经》，但英格拉姆认为，到 16 世纪末，越来越多富有同情心的神职人员颠倒圣经观点来谴责虐待配偶的行为（第 318 页）。 ）。例如，在《基督教经济》（伦敦，1609）中，威廉·珀金斯运用“一体”论来谴责虐待丈夫。整篇文章引用了丰富多样的材料，让读者能够一睹受虐待的妻子如何在家庭纠纷中利用社区支持。

这本论文集的真正优势在于……