Scientists have, for some time, recognized that development unfolds in numerous settings, including families, schools, neighborhoods, and organized and unorganized activity settings. Since the turn of the 20th century, the body of mainstream neighborhood effects scholarship draws heavily from the early 20th century Chicago School of Sociology frameworks and have been situating development in neighborhood contexts and working to identify the structures and processes via which neighborhoods matter for a range of developmental outcomes, especially achievement, behavioral and emotional problems, and sexual activity. From this body of work, two new areas of developmental scholarship are emerging. Both areas are promising for advancing an understanding of child development in context. First, cultural-developmental neighborhood researchers are advancing neighborhood effects research that explicitly recognizes the ways that racial, ethnic, cultural, and immigrant social positions matter for neighborhood environments and for youths' developmental demands, affordances, experiences, and competencies. This body of work substantially expands the range of developmental outcomes examined in neighborhood effects scholarship to recognize normative physical, emotional, cognitive, behavioral, social, and cultural competencies that have largely been overlooked in neighborhood effects scholarship that espoused a more color-blind developmental approach. Second, activity space neighborhood researchers are recognizing that residential neighborhoods have important implications for broader activity spaces—or the set of locations and settings to which youth are regularly exposed, including, for example, schools, work, organized activities, and hang-outs. They are using newer technologies and geographic frameworks to assess exposure to residential neighborhood and extra-neighborhood environments. These perspectives recognize that time (i.e., from microtime to mesotime) and place are critically bound and that exposures can be operationalized at numerous levels of the ecological system (i.e., from microsystems to macrosystems). These frameworks address important limitations of prior development in context scholarship by addressing selection and exposure. Addressing selection involves recognizing that families have some degree of choice when selecting into settings and variables that predict families' choices (e.g., income) also predict development. Considering exposure involves recognizing that different participants or residents experience different amounts of shared and nonshared exposures, resulting in both under-and over-estimation of contextual effects. Activity space scholars incorporate exposure to the residential neighborhood environments, but also to other locations and settings to which youth are regularly exposed, like schools, after-school settings, work, and hang-outs. Unfortunately, the cultural-development and activity space streams, which have both emerged from early 20th century work on neighborhood effects on development, have been advancing largely independently. Thus, the overarching aim of this monograph is to integrate scholarship on residential neighborhoods, cultural development, and activity spaces to advance a framework that can support a better understanding of development in context for diverse groups. In Chapters I and II we present the historical context of the three streams of theoretical, conceptual, and methodological research. We also advance a comprehensive cultural-developmental activity space framework for studying development in context among children, youth, and families that are ethnically, racially, and culturally heterogeneous. This framework actively recognized diversity in ethnic, racial, immigrant, and socioeconomic social positions. In Chapters III–V we advance specific features of the framework, focusing on: (1) the different levels of nested and nonnested ecological systems that can be captured and operationalized with activity space methods, (2) the different dimensions of time and exposures or experiences that can be captured and operationalized by activity space methods, and (3) the importance of settings structures and social processes for identifying underlying mechanisms of contextual effects on development. Structures are setting features related to the composition and spatial arrangement of people and institutions (e.g., socioeconomic disadvantage, ethnic/racial compositions). Social processes represent the collective social dynamics that take place in settings, like social interactions, group activities, experiences with local institutions, mechanisms of social control, or shared beliefs. In Chapter VI, we highlight a range of methodological and empirical exemplars from the United States that are informed by our comprehensive cultural-developmental activity space framework. These exemplars feature both quantitative and qualitative methods, including method mixing. These exemplars feature both quantitative and qualitative methods, including method mixing. The exemplars also highlight the application of the framework across four different samples from populations that vary in terms of race, ethnicity, gender, age, socioeconomic status (SES), geographic region, and urbanicity. They capture activity space characteristics and features in a variety of ways, in addition to incorporating family shared and nonshared activity space exposures. Finally, in Chapter VII we summarize the contributions of the framework for advancing a more comprehensive science of development in context, one that better realizes major developmental theories emphasizing persons, processes, contexts, and time. Additionally, we offer a place-based, culturally informed developmental research agenda to meet the needs of an increasingly diverse population.

中文翻译：

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基于地方的发展研究：研究青年发展的概念和方法进展

一段时间以来，科学家们认识到发展在许多环境中展开，包括家庭、学校、社区以及有组织和无组织的活动环境。自 20 世纪之交以来，主流邻里效应学术机构在很大程度上借鉴了 20 世纪早期芝加哥社会学学院的框架，并一直将发展置于邻里环境中，并努力确定邻里对一系列问题产生影响的结构和过程。发展结果，特别是成就、行为和情感问题以及性活动。从这些工作中，发展学术的两个新领域正在出现。这两个领域都有望促进对儿童发展的理解。首先，文化发展邻里研究人员正在推进邻里效应研究，明确认识到种族、民族、文化和移民社会地位对邻里环境以及年轻人的发展需求、可供性、经验和能力的影响。这项工作大大扩展了邻里效应奖学金所研究的发展成果的范围，以认识到规范的身体、情感、认知、行为、社会和文化能力，而这些能力在邻里效应奖学金中很大程度上被忽视了，而邻里效应奖学金支持一种更加无色盲的发展方法。其次，活动空间社区研究人员认识到，住宅社区对更广泛的活动空间（或年轻人经常接触的一系列地点和环境，包括学校、工作、有组织的活动和闲逛）具有重要影响。他们正在使用更新的技术和地理框架来评估居民区和社区外环境的暴露程度。这些观点认识到时间（即从微观时间到中时间）和地点受到严格限制，并且暴露可以在生态系统的多个层面（即从微观系统到宏观系统）进行操作。这些框架通过解决选择和暴露问题，解决了背景学术先前发展的重要局限性。解决选择问题需要认识到家庭在选择环境时有一定程度的选择，而预测家庭选择（例如收入）的变量也可以预测发展。考虑暴露需要认识到不同的参与者或居民经历不同数量的共享和非共享暴露，从而导致对背景影响的低估和高估。活动空间学者不仅考虑了居住区环境，还考虑了青少年经常接触的其他地点和环境，如学校、课后环境、工作和闲逛。不幸的是，文化发展和活动空间不断流动，这两个领域都诞生于 20 世纪初关于邻里对发展的影响的研究，并且基本上是独立推进的。因此，本专着的首要目标是整合有关住宅区的学术研究，文化发展和活动空间，以推进一个框架，支持更好地理解不同群体背景下的发展。在第一章和第二章中，我们介绍了理论、概念和方法论研究三个流派的历史背景。我们还提出了一个全面的文化发展活动空间框架，用于研究不同民族、种族和文化背景下的儿童、青少年和家庭的发展。该框架积极承认民族、种族、移民和社会经济社会地位的多样性。在第三章至第五章中，我们提出了该框架的具体特征，重点关注：（1）可以用活动空间方法捕获和操作的不同层次的嵌套和非嵌套生态系统，（2）时间和暴露的不同维度或可以通过活动空间方法获取和实施的经验，以及（3）环境结构和社会过程对于确定背景对发展影响的潜在机制的重要性。结构是与人员和机构的组成和空间排列相关的设定特征（例如，社会经济劣势、民族/种族组成）。社会过程代表了在环境中发生的集体社会动态，例如社会互动、群体活动、当地机构的经验、社会控制机制或共同信仰。在第六章中，我们重点介绍了一系列来自美国的方法论和实证范例，这些范例是根据我们的综合文化发展活动空间框架提供的。这些范例具有定量和定性方法，包括方法混合。这些范例具有定量和定性方法，包括方法混合。这些范例还强调了该框架在来自种族、民族、性别、年龄、社会经济地位 (SES)、地理区域和城市化程度不同的人群的四个不同样本中的应用。除了结合家庭共享和非共享的活动空间暴露之外，他们还以各种方式捕捉活动空间的特征和特征。最后，在第七章中，我们总结了该框架对推进更全面的发展科学的贡献，该科学更好地实现了强调人、过程、背景和时间的主要发展理论。此外，我们还提供基于地方、文化背景的发展研究议程，以满足日益多样化的人口的需求。