We consider two asymmetries reported in the literature on word prosodic systems: the tendency to allow more prosodic contrast in nouns than in verbs and the tendency to avoid stress on functional material. We focus on the interaction between these two tendencies and propose a formal mechanism to handle this interaction couched in Optimality Theory. In a case study on a group of standard Serbo-Croatian varieties that have predictable stress in verbs but contrastive stress in nouns, we develop an analysis of predictable and morphologically conditioned stress assignment. Our analysis features a family of constraints militating against stress on non-lexical material on three different levels: stress on inflection proper (*Infl-Stress-1), stress on non-lexical material in the locality domain of inflection (*Infl-Stress-2), and stress on non-lexical material altogether (*Infl-Stress-3). Analyzing a class of prosodically exceptional denominal and borrowed verbs, we show that lexical-category effects exist between and within categories: denominal verbs allow exceptional preservation of nominal stress, which leads to additional prosodic contrast in this class of verbs. Finally, we explore the option of subsuming exceptionally contrast-preserving borrowed verbs under denominal verbs, offering arguments in favor of the hotly debated view from the literature that verbs are universally borrowed as denominal.

中文翻译：

---

避免名词和动词中非词汇材料的重音：塞尔维亚-克罗地亚语重音标准变体中可预测的动词韵律。

我们考虑有关单词韵律系统的文献中报告的两种不对称性：名词中比动词中允许更多韵律对比的倾向以及避免强调功能性材料的倾向。我们关注这两种趋势之间的相互作用，并提出了一种以最优理论表达的正式机制来处理这种相互作用。在对一组标准塞尔维亚-克罗地亚语变体的案例研究中，这些变体在动词中具有可预测的重音，但在名词中具有对比重音，我们对可预测和形态条件重音分配进行了分析。我们的分析以一系列约束为特色，这些约束在三个不同级别上抑制非词汇材料上的重音：词形变化本身的重音（*Infl-Stress-1）、词形变化局部域中非词汇材料上的重音（*Infl-Stress） -2)，以及对非词汇材料的重音 (*Infl-Stress-3)。通过分析一类韵律上特殊的名词和借用动词，我们发现类别之间和类别内存在词汇类别效应：名词动词允许特殊地保留名词重音，这导致此类动词产生额外的韵律对比。最后，我们探讨了将异常保留对比的借用动词归入名词动词的选项，提供了支持文献中激烈争论的观点的论据，即动词普遍被作为名词借用。