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Explaining presupposition projection in (coordinations of) polar questions

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Abstract

This article starts off with the observation that in certain cases, presuppositions triggered by an element inside a question nucleus may fail to project. In fact, in what looks like coordinated structures involving polar questions, presupposition projection patterns are exactly parallel to what is observed when the corresponding assertions are coordinated. The article further shows that these facts do not fall out straightforwardly from existing theories of polar questions, (apparent) coordinations of questions, and presupposition projection. It then proposes a trivalent extension of inquisitive semantics such that the observed pattern can be understood in terms of existing theories of presupposition projection. The proposal has the following properties: (a) apparent coordinations of questions are indeed coordinations of questions, and (b) the semantic denotation of polar questions is asymmetric with respect to the “yes” and “no” answers.

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Notes

  1. (2b) does presuppose that Syldavia is either a republic or a monarchy. I ask the reader to assume that this is a well-known fact about countries in the part of the world where Syldavia is located. The issue will not substantially affect the discussion.

  2. There is no explicit semantics for and in Heim 1983, and or is not discussed, but it is straightforward to apply Heim’s approach to the discussion of and and or in Karttunen 1974 to reconstruct the full system.

  3. What (3b) presupposes is arguably “Mary believes that Syldavia is a monarchy” rather than “Syldavia is a monarchy”, or possibly both readings are possible. Whether the inferences I describe are attributed to the speaker or the attitude holder when they differ does not affect my discussion of them.

  4. Most connectives other than and and or, such as for instance but, do not seem to ever occur between two questions. Complex disjunctions such as either... or... cannot embed matrix questions either.

  5. We are going to discuss in time whether (4) should indeed be analysed as ?p∧?q.

  6. In general, matrix questions pragmatically presuppose that their answer has not yet been established in the discourse. Thus, the first conjunct in (4), uttered on its own, presupposes that Syldavia might or might not be a monarchy as far as the Common Ground allows. How this presupposition arises exactly in the case of (4) is an interesting question, but I will not attempt to address it here.

  7. To be precise, the fact that we infer from (5) that Syldavia is a monarchy, and not that if Syldavia is rich in mineral resources it is a monarchy, is an instance of the proviso problem. The proviso problem occurs in exactly the same cases for questions as for assertions, as far as I can tell.

  8. The availability of filtering in conjunctive questions has not been noted before to my knowledge, but Groenendijk (1998) (cited by Dotlačil and Roelofsen 2019) mentions the example in (20), which demonstrates a parallel pattern when it comes to anaphoric dependencies. Both Groenendijk (1998) and Dotlačil and Roelofsen (2019) propose dynamic theories under which this example cannot be accounted for.

    1. (i)

      Did you see a man? and was he angry?

    Meanwhile, in a recent article, Abenina-Adar and Sharvit (2021) observe that filtering is available in disjunctive questions in certain cases similar to those we discuss here. They propose an account of disjunction based on alternative semantics where the observed projection pattern is specified by the semantics of the connective. We are going to adopt a very different approach here, among other things because we seek to understand conjunctive and disjunctive questions in parallel.

  9. An anonymous reviewer points out that under certain intonations, these two examples can be felicitous. Discourse markers like actually, in fact etc. can help bring out such readings.

    1. (i)

      Is Ann in Paris? And (actually) is she (even) in France?

    Intuitively, in these cases, the speaker changes discourse strategy between the two conjuncts, and they would have asked the second question first, had they thought it through. The fact that the second conjunct is a correction is signalled through discourse markers and emphatic intonation. There is also a clear sentence break between the conjuncts.

    The judgments reported here are based on a different intonation pattern, where there is no full sentence break between the clauses (which I have tried to indicate through punctuation) and the second conjunct does not bear any emphasis, and where there is no perception that the speaker changed their mind. Attempting an analysis of discourse-level uses of question coordination is beyond the scope of this paper.

  10. In particular, we will see that under the theory we are going to propose, it will be possible to explain the infelicity of (26a) and (26b) in terms of global redundancy or similar pragmatic constraints, without necessarily referring to local contexts.

  11. I thank a reviewer for stressing the importance of this distinction.

  12. Two strategies are possible. One option consists in assuming that the connective takes higher or lower scope than the surface syntax would suggest, with ellipsis or semantically inert elements potentially involved. For instance, Hirsch (2017) proposes that apparent conjunctive questions actually involve “and” taking high scope. The second option, proposed among others by Krifka (2001), consists in lifting the question from whatever type α our theory of simple questions would assign to it to the higher-order type (αt)→t, as shown in (i), and then assuming that conjunction and disjunction apply (classically) to this higher-order denotation. The second strategy only delivers “high” readings, as in (30b) and (31b).

    1. (i)

      (type (αt)→t)

    To apply either strategy to the case of matrix questions, we need to assume that there are silent truth-conditional speech act operators above them, such as a silent I wonder or a silent you should tell me. Alternatively, along with the second strategy, we might assume that the higher-order type is the “normal” type of questions, and that there are no linguistic constituents with semantic type α. I use embedded examples in this section to avoid dealing with the issue.

  13. Another reason to think that our questions are not polar questions is that “yes” and “no” are not good answers to them. My impression from an informal survey is that in the conjunctive case (4), speakers’ initial intuition is to accept “yes” and “no” as answers, but they are not sure as to how to interpret either. In the disjunctive case (12), with the “open” intonation, “no” is a felicitous answer, meaning that both disjuncts are false, but “yes” is of unclear interpretation. With the alternative question intonation, both “yes” and “no” are unacceptable. More generally, “yes” and “no” as answers to an alternative question can sometimes be interpreted as “both are true” and “neither is true”, respectively, but they tend to come across as joke answers.

  14. An analysis following Xiang (2021), where wonder is decomposed into want and know, and disjunction takes scope in between the two, would predict such a disjunctive desire: Mary wants it to be the case that either she knows whether John is here or she knows whether it is raining.

  15. Under the ‘want’>‘or’>‘know’ scope analysis, the condition for filtering would instead be something like: “According to Mary’s beliefs, if she does not know whether Syldavia is a republic, then Syldavia is a monarchy”, which is nonsensical.

  16. A potential reductionist counter-argument worth commenting upon is that if we attempt to explicitly spell out the semantics that a reductionist account would give to our examples, it is not entirely clear whether the presupposition projects in the resulting sentence. This is especially true in the conjunctive case, (i), which is only somewhat degraded in my judgment. In the disjunctive case, the sentence we obtain, (ii), is somewhat involved and hard to interpret.

    1. (i)

      ? Mary wonders / wants to know whether Syldavia is a monarchy and she wonders / wants to know whether the Syldavian monarch is a progressive.

    1. (ii)

      ?? Mary wants to know whether Syldavia is a republic or to know whether the Syldavian monarch is a progressive.

    A counter-counter-argument is that using complex conjunctions and disjunctions to make the scope explicit, even though it does not affect presupposition projection in the general case, makes both our attempts more clearly contradictory:

    1. (iii)
      1. a.

        Not only is Syldavia a monarchy, but the Syldavian monarch is a progressive.

      2. b.

        # Not only does Mary wonder whether Syldavia is a monarchy, but she wonders whether the Syldavian monarch is a progressive.

    1. (iv)
      1. a.

        Either Syldavia is a republic or the Syldavian monarch is a progressive.

      2. b.

        # Mary wants either to know whether Syldavia is a republic or to know whether the Syldavian monarch is a progressive.

  17. In particular, an account that combines the answer set theory with Heim’s (1983) theory of propositions, like Li’s (2019) “dynamicised Hamblin sets”, would suffer the same problems as static answer set approaches.

  18. The presentation here is not true to Karttunen (1977) and Biezma and Rawlins (2012) in the sense that neither theory actually features such an operator, and the corresponding device is more like an interpretation rule.

    Additionally, Biezma and Rawlins (2012) assume that the corresponding coercion operation only occurs in embedded questions. Since the phenomenon we are interested in is not affected by the distinction between matrix and embedded questions, it will be easier to follow Karttunen (1977) and assume that both kinds are composed uniformly.

  19. Here there are several things to say to defend H/K semantics. First, pointwise composition is independently motivated, not only to analyse the internal composition of questions (Hamblin 1976) but also for other phenomena, such as focus (Rooth 1992). Second, given that non-pointwise conjunction leads to degenerate results, it seems unproblematic to assume that the syntax allows for it just as it allows for non-pointwise disjunction, but that it is banned on semantic grounds.

  20. Adding extra ’s would only add logical contradictions to the sets, as the reader can verify. We are going to assume that it would make the questions unacceptable.

  21. Since all theories of presupposition projection are designed so that a presupposition that p is true does not project after “p∧”, here we can see that the choice of the Transparency Theory was not crucial. See also the derivations in the Appendix.

  22. Our generalization in terms of local contexts given in (10) also follows if we derive local contexts in the spirit of the Transparency Theory, along the lines of Schlenker (2009).

  23. We will discuss in Sect. 3.5 the implications of the resolution conditions predicted by (e) in non-presuppositional examples.

  24. Hoeks and Roelofsen (2019) note that, like the theory we are sketching here, inquisitive semantics predicts conjunctive questions to have polar readings, and they claim that this prediction is correct. My own judgment is that the reading they characterize as polar is the one corresponding to the tripartition, that is, option (e). In my view, the issue remains to be investigated more thoroughly.

  25. In particular, the extensive discussion of potential structures for conjunctive questions offered by Hoeks and Roelofsen (2019) does not mention the possibility of (e) or (f).

  26. In contrast, Biezma and Rawlins (2012) analyse both open and closed questions as {p,q}, but with different presuppositions.

  27. As in the conjunctive case, there are in principle other possibilities, such as and . These options do not have the required property either; I will ignore them here to keep the discussion contained.

  28. All the theories discussed in what follows are static; while there exist also dynamic accounts of questions, I will set them aside for lack of space. In general, these accounts’ handling of the connectives is derivative of a static theory, and the issues that we are going to discuss carry over. This applies for instance to Dotlačil and Roelofsen 2019 (based on inquisitive semantics) and to Li 2019 (based on answer set theory).

  29. Here ¬ denotes trivalent negation: it maps 0 to 1, 1 to 0, and # to #.

  30. The basic idea of adding yes/no-asymmetry to inquisitive semantics has already been explored by Roelofsen and Farkas (2015), but their system is conceptually quite different. Roelofsen and Farkas (2015) propose a two-dimensional theory where ?p has its usual inquisitive denotation on the ordinary dimension (essentially {pp}). On the second dimension, called the “highlighting” dimension, ?p essentially denotes p.

  31. Under the proposal presented here, answers to a complex question will all be assigned a certain category (positive or negative). For instance, pq will be a positive answer to ?p∧?q, while p∧¬q will be a negative one. As an anonymous reviewer points out, there is no clear intuition on how to make this distinction beyond simple polar questions that we could evaluate the proposal against. My claim is that this particular way of dividing up “positive” and “negative” answers will lead to an adequate account of question coordination and presupposition projection, which is enough to justify it. Unless we ascertain that another phenomenon involves a more fine-grained distinction or a different one, there is no reason to be concerned about the premise of categorizing answers beyond what is intuitively obvious.

  32. In the possible extension to constituent questions based on \(\exists _{G}\) that we are going to discuss in Sect. 4.4, will specifically return (roughly) the Hamblin-Karttunen answers to the question, as opposed to propositions corresponding to the partition cells in the sense of Groenendijk and Stokhof (1984). For polar questions, there is no difference between Hamblin answers and partition cells.

  33. George (2014) motivates the MK connectives by showing how they can be derived from classical bivalent logic together with some general assumptions about definedness conditions.

  34. This is of course an idealization where we ignore, among other things, the possibility of avowing complete or partial ignorance (“I don’t know”, “Probably”, etc.), the possibility of rejecting the question (“Who cares?”), the possibility of providing an implicit answer (“A: Did John come? B: He was sick.”), the existence of rhetorical questions, and so on.

  35. I am ignoring here the various pragmatic presuppositions that are associated to asking a question: that the facts have not been established before in the discourse, that the answer is accessible, etc.

  36. H/K semantics and inquisitive semantics generate a variety of other readings, as we have seen. In particular, there is a polar reading ({pq,¬(pq)}) and a reverse tripartition ({¬q,pqpq}). Without further assumptions, our system generates none of these either. In principle, the polar reading can be generated if we assume that and can take scope below ?, or if we have an operation that collapses the 0-alternatives into one. The reverse tripartition can be generated if we assume that and can also denote a right-to-left rather than left-to-right Middle Kleene connective, or equivalently that it can combine either with the first or the second conjunct first. The reverse tripartition is unattested and, pending further investigation, my judgment is that the polar reading is not available either (cf. footnote 24), so these extra assumptions are not necessary.

  37. One could in particular use the fact that p∧¬q is a good answer and entails ¬q. Asserting ¬q always raises the contextual probability of p∧¬q relative to the other two cells, from which an inference that p∧¬q holds might follow as a relevance implicature.

  38. One might in fact argue that both (65) and (66a) do involve presupposition filtering, but with pragmatic presuppositions. In (65), the presupposition that the second question is relevant to some greater issue is not satisfied in the context: it only matters whether there is charcoal if the weather is nice, as the goal is to take out the grill. In (66a), similarly, the presupposition that knowledge of the answer to the second question is accessible to the participants is not satisified, but what is true is that if the mail has arrived, participants have a chance knowing whether Mary got her grant. This is consistent with the interpretation of the trivalent system offered in Sect. 3.2: a polar question ?q on its own presupposes that future Common Grounds will entail q or ¬q, but when it is in the second conjunct of ?p∧?q, this presupposition can be filtered, and it is fine if the question is uninteresting or unknowable when p is false.

  39. I thank an anonymous reviewer for this example.

  40. Schlenker (2009) applies his procedure to bivalent propositions, but the procedure is mostly agnostic with respect to the type of what it is looking at, and it is straightforward to adapt it to functions from states to trivalent values. The one thing we need to specify is how contextual restriction works with states: we take it that if the context set is C, the set of contextually permissible states is the set of subsets of C.

  41. I think the distinction between 1-alternatives and 0-alternatives would be helpful in a theory of question bias, but this is not the place to develop this idea.

  42. For discussion of the differences between P-to-Q and uniformitarian approaches, see Roelofsen (2019) and references therein.

  43. Q-to-P can be implemented through answerhood operators; cf. Section (97). The uniformitarian approach can be implemented by assigning to propositions the same type as questions. The simplest approach consists in assigning to propositions the same denotation as to the corresponding polar question, and distinguishing them only at the highest level (above any connective), by assuming either that polar questions are embedded under (then the entry for know would presuppose that we are in a 1-state), or that assertions are embedded under something similar to (then the entry for know needs not be changed).

  44. A natural alternative would be a universally-projecting existential quantifier, such that \(\exists x.\, \phi _{x}\) is defined only if \(\phi _{x}\) is defined for all x. This would make the alternatives to the question congruent with its strongly exhaustive answers, which is unwelcome because there is no obvious way to derive weakly exhaustive and mention-some answers from strongly exhaustive answers.

  45. The matter of how presuppositions project from questions beyond simple polar cases has received relatively little attention in the literature and is subject to debate. Schwarz and Simonenko (2018) argue that while universal projection is generally observed in constituent questions (as noted in earlier work, e.g., Abruśan 2011), it can be obviated in certain contexts. In a paper published after the present one was written, Theiler (2021) proposes a generalization whereby what we observe is universal projection over an answer set that can be smaller than the H/K question denotation under certain conditions. Integrating Theiler’s observations and proposal with the present framework is left to future work.

  46. Champollion et al. (2017) defend a localist account of which’s presupposition within the framework of inquisitive semantics, where the same problem occurs. Decoupling the presuppositions of which questions from answerhood operators is also argued for by Uegaki (2020) and Hirsch and Schwarz (2019) within H/K semantics. An alternative solution to the issue consists in making singular and plural which questions different again through extensions of the inquisitive system; see for instance the dynamic inquisitive proposal of Dotlačil and Roelofsen (2020).

  47. Both the second and third approach are reminiscent of the definition of Strawson entailment proposed by von Fintel (1999).

  48. This condition should clearly be met in any realistic example. Possibly a weaker condition would suffice to validate the result.

  49. We would need to define an explicit fragment to properly prove this fact, but I think it is reasonable to take it for granted.

  50. If d contextually entails p, then the unique-answer presupposition of {p,dq} will be contradictory, whatever q is. d is actually W-transparent in this case, but not in an interesting way.

  51. The fact that we look at equivalence in \(C'\) rather than in C here constitutes the crucial difference between C-equivalence and W-equivalence.

  52. An entirely parallel result obtains in the case of the Simple Dynamic Answer set Theory (SDAT):

    figure h

    Li (2019) proposes a system of this kind.

  53. Note that we could relativize everything to a context set, as is done in the definition of K-equivalence, while preserving all the results.

  54. As before, this condition should be met in any realistic example.

  55. This can also be stated as “p entails π(q)”, where π is defined as in (47).

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Acknowledgements

My thanks go to the great number of people with whom I discussed part or all of this work and who provided me with helpful remarks, including in particular Benjamin Spector and two anonymous reviewers for Natural Language Semantics.

This work has benefitted from funding from the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR-17-EURE-0017 FrontCog, ANR-10-IDEX-0001-02 PSL).

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Correspondence to Émile Enguehard.

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Appendix: Formal companion to Sect. 2.4

Appendix: Formal companion to Sect. 2.4

This appendix contains a formal development that demonstrates the problems encountered when one combines answer set semantics with either the Transparency Theory or trivalent theories, as cursorily explained in Sect. 2.4. We will derive the fact that the observed presupposition filtering pattern is expected in conjunctive questions if they are analysed as the tripartition, but not if they are analysed as the quadripartition. Meanwhile, the observed pattern in disjunctive questions is not derived in any natural way.

Note that throughout the Appendix we work with question denotations, rather than with declarative sentences containing embedded questions, and therefore the results might only directly apply to matrix questions. In principle, at least under the Transparency Theory, we could predict different filtering patterns under certain embeddings (in particular, we might expect more filtering predictions). While I do not think this would lead to different results in practice, no attempt is made to prove it here.

When the proof of a result is omitted, it is because it is immediate.

1.1 1 Equivalence relations on questions

The Transparency Theory requires a notion of equivalence; we define several natural ones below. As in the main text, we identify questions with Hamblin denotations (sets of propositions). We will use Q, \(Q'\), etc. to name our abstract variables representing questions. In order to show that the results extend to Karttunen’s approach, we will also deal with Karttunen denotations (functions from worlds to sets of propositions), which we will refer to as , \(\hat{Q}'\), etc. The following relations let us map each kind of denotation into the other:

Definition 1

Relation between Hamblin and Karttunen denotations

For a question Q, we define:

$$ \hat{Q} := \lambda w.\, \{ p \in Q \,|\, p(w)\} $$

As long as Q does not contain a logical contradiction, the following relation lets us reverse the mapping:

$$ Q = \bigcup _{w} \hat{Q}(w) $$

Note that it is not true in general that all Karttunen questions can be derived from a Hamblin question (i.e., that they can be written as for some Q). However, all the questions that we consider here are representable as Hamblin questions.

In the main text, we left the notion of equivalence we were using somewhat implicit. Here we define several reasonable notions of equivalence. These notions are all relativised to a context set C (they are notions of contextual equivalence). The purpose of this wealth of definitions is to show that the issues outlined in the main text do not depend on specific implementational choices within the general framework of H/K semantics. In particular, whether we adopt H-equivalence, which is the most natural approach from the perspective of a Hamblin-style theory, or K-equivalence, which is the most natural approach from the perspective of a Karttunen-style theory, does not matter, showing that our discussion applies to Hamblin- and Karttunen-style accounts equally.

For the notions based on a presuppositional answerhood operator, I implement a variety of ways of dealing with the unique-answer presupposition. The first approach treats it essentially as an entailment, a second one only considers worlds where it is true, and a third one only considers contexts where it is true.Footnote 47

Non-contextual versions of the non-presuppositional notions can be obtained by taking C to be the set of all possible worlds.

Definition 2

Pointwise contextual restriction

  1. (i)

    For a proposition p and a context set C, \(p_{|C}\) is the function from C to truth values that is identical to p at all points (the contextual restriction of p to C).

  2. (ii)

    For a question Q and a context set C, the contextual restriction of Q to C is \(Q_{|C}\), where:

    $$ Q_{|C} := \{p_{|C} \,|\, p \in Q\} $$

Definition 3

Hamblin equivalence

Q and \(Q'\) are H-equivalent relative to context set C iff \(Q_{|C} = Q_{|C}'\).

Definition 4

Karttunen equivalence

Q and \(Q'\) are K-equivalent relative to context set C iff:

$$ \forall w \in C.\, [\hat{Q}(w)]_{|C} = [\hat{Q}'(w)]_{|C} $$

Definition 5

Unique-answer answerhood operator

We define:

Definition 6

Unique-answer equivalence: entailed presupposition

Q and \(Q'\) are U-equivalent relative to a context set C iff:

  1. (i)

    the unique-answer presuppositions of Q and \(Q'\) are equivalent in C,

  2. (ii)

    calling \(C'\) the subset of C where the presuppositions are met, we have:

Definition 7

Unique-answer Strawson equivalence — world-level version

Q and \(Q'\) are W-equivalent relative to a context set C iff for any world w in C such that the unique-answer presuppositions of both Q and \(Q'\) are true at w, we have:

Definition 8

Unique-answer Strawson equivalence — context-level version

Q and \(Q'\) are C-equivalent relative to a context set C iff for any subset \(C'\) of C where the unique-answer presuppositions of both Q and \(Q'\) are true, we have

Result 1

H-equivalence and K-equivalence are almost the same thing

  1. (i)

    If C is a context set and Q and \(Q'\) are two questions, then if Q and \(Q'\) are H-equivalent in C, they are K-equivalent in C.

  2. (ii)

    If C is a context set and Q and \(Q'\) are two questions that do not contain any proposition that is false throughout C, then if Q and \(Q'\) are K-equivalent in C, they are H-equivalent in C.

Result 2

Order of the answer-based equivalences by strength

If C is a context set and Q and \(Q'\) are two questions, then if Q and \(Q'\) are U-equivalent in C, they are W-equivalent in C, and if they are W-equivalent in C, they are C-equivalent in C.

Result 3

K-equivalence is stronger than unique-answer equivalences

If C is a context set and Q and \(Q'\) are two questions, then if Q and \(Q'\) are K-equivalent in C, they are U-equivalent and therefore also W-equivalent and C-equivalent in C.

Result 4

Collapse of the equivalences

If C is a context set and Q and \(Q'\) are two questions whose unique-answer presuppositions are satisfied in C, then for any pair of letters α, β within H, K, U, W, and C, Q and \(Q'\) are α-equivalent in C iff they are β-equivalent in C.

1.2 2 The Transparency Theory

Here we derive the announced results under Schlenker’s (2008) Transparency Theory. Schlenker (2008) proposes that in a context C, a presuppositional clause is acceptable if and only if the proposition being presupposed is transparent in the clause’s position. Transparency is defined as follows (some details are simplified or left implicit; the reader is referred to Schlenker 2008):

Definition 9

Transparency; Schlenker 2008

Let αβγ be a sentence where β is an embedded clause, and δ be another clause denoting a proposition d. d is transparent in the position of β if and only if for any completion \(\gamma '\) that makes \(\alpha \beta \gamma '\) well-formed, and for any clause \(\beta '\), the two sentences \(\alpha \beta ' \gamma '\) and \(\alpha (\text{$\delta $ and $\beta '$}) \gamma \) are contextually equivalent in C.

The definition of Transparency depends on a notion of contextual equivalence; it is straightforward to apply it to questions as long as we have defined equivalence over them. Thus we can in principle define H-transparency, K-transparency, and so on in terms of the definitions above.

The relations between our notions of equivalence immediately translate into relations between our notions of transparency:

Result 5

Relations between the transparencies

  1. (i)

    H-transparency implies K-transparency.

  2. (ii)

    K-transparency implies U-transparency.

  3. (iii)

    U-transparency implies W-transparency.

  4. (iv)

    W-transparency implies C-transparency.

We can now derive the results that we are interested in. The first one below establishes that under the quadripartitive account, no presupposition filtering should ever be observed when the trigger is in the second conjunct of a conjunctive question.

Result 6

The quadripartition

Let C be a context set, and p a proposition such that there exists a proposition \(q_{0}\) that is not related by contextual entailment to p or ¬p.Footnote 48 A proposition d is H-transparent (as well as K/U/W/C-transparent) in the position of q in if and only if C supports d.

Proof

The direction “If C supports d, then d is transparent” is immediate.

For the other direction, it suffices to show that if d is C-transparent, then C supports d, as C-transparency is the weakest form of transparency. Note that the definedness condition of is always met if the answers form a logical partition as they do here, and therefore we do not need to consider subcontexts at all.

Assume then that d is C-transparent. We will write ; the fact that d is C-transparent means that is equivalent in C to for any q and any wC (taking \(\beta '\) to be q, and \(\gamma '\) to be the empty string).

It follows from the existence of \(q_{0}\) that p is not trivially true or false in C. Let then w, \(w'\) be two worlds such that p(w)=1 and \(p(w') = 0\). We have and .

  • If \(d(w) = d(w') = 0\), then , from which it follows that p∧¬d is equivalent to p, i.e. that p entails ¬d. We also have , from which it follows similarly that ¬p entails ¬d. The only way these two entailments can hold is if d is a trivial falsehood. But then, we have , which is equivalent to p, so p is equivalent to , which is either \(p \land q_{0}\) or \(p \land \neg q_{0}\). This contradicts the assumption that p and \(q_{0}\)/\(\neg q_{0}\) are not related by entailment.

  • If d(w)=1 and \(d(w') = 0\), then and . It follows that p entails d and that ¬p entails ¬d. Hence p is equivalent to d. Then, we have , which is equivalent to ¬p, so ¬p is equivalent to , which is either \(\neg p \land q_{0}\) or \(\neg p \land \neg q_{0}\). It follows that \(\neg q_{0}\) or \(q_{0}\) entails ¬p, against assumption.

  • If d(w)=0 and \(d(w') = 1\), the same reasoning as in the previous case applies, replacing any occurrence of p with ¬p and vice versa, and replacing \(w'\) with w.

The only remaining possibility is that \(d(w) = d(w') = 1\). Since w can be any p-world and \(w'\) can be any ¬p-world, d has to be a trivial truth in C. □

The next result shows that if conjunctive questions denote the tripartition, then we predict the observed pattern of presupposition filtering in the second conjunct.

Result 7

The tripartition

Let C be a context set, and p a proposition such that there exists a proposition \(q_{0}\) that is not related by contextual entailment to p or ¬p. A proposition d is H-transparent (as well as K/U/W/C-transparent) in the position of q in if and only if C supports the material conditional pd.

Proof

We define: .

Assume that C supports pd, and let q be an arbitrary proposition. pdq is equivalent in C to pq, and this relation can equivalently be written as \([p \land d \land q]_{|C} = [p \land q]_{|C}\). Moreover, we have p∧¬(dq)=(p∧¬d)∨(p∧¬q), which is equivalent to p∧¬q (as p∧¬d is a contextual contradiction). It follows that Q(q) and Q(dq) are H-equivalent in C. Then, for any completion γ, Q(q)γ and Q(dq)γ are also H-equivalent in C.Footnote 49 Therefore, d is H-transparent in the position of q in Q(q), and it is also K/U/W/C-transparent.

As for the other direction, assume that d is C-transparent in the position of q in Q(q) in C. As before, it follows from the existence of \(q_{0}\) that p is not trivially true or false in C. Let us then take wC such that p(w)=1. If d(w)=0, since and , p and p∧¬d are contextually equivalent, which is equivalent to saying that C supports p→¬d. Assume without loss of generality (as we could replace \(q_{0}\) by \(\neg q_{0}\)) that \(q_{0}(w) = 1\). Then, we have . Since p entails ¬d, it also entails \(\neg d \lor q_{0}\), and therefore is equivalent to p. By C-transparency, p is thus equivalent to , i.e. p is equivalent to \(p \land q_{0}\), or equivalently, p contextually entails \(q_{0}\), against assumptions. Therefore this case is impossible, and d(w)=1. Since this holds for any w such that p(w)=1, C supports pd. □

Moving on to disjunction, the next result shows that no filtering is predicted to be possible with H/K/U-transparency. The subsequent result is an extension to W-transparency (that an additional condition is needed is essentially a bug in the definition). A final result shows that C-transparency derives a degenerate pattern where everything is transparent.

Result 8

No filtering in alternative questions (H/K/U)

Let C be a context set. A proposition d is H/K/U-transparent in the position of q in ?p∨?q in C if and only if C supports d.

Proof

The direction “If C supports d, then d is transparent” is immediate.

We define Q(q): = ?p∨?q = {p,q}. Assume that d is U-transparent in C. The unique-answer presupposition of Q(⊤) is equivalent to ¬p, from which it follows that the unique-answer presupposition of Q(d) is equivalent to ¬p, i.e. that pd is equivalent to ¬p (⊻ represents an exclusive disjunction). This can be verified to be equivalent to the fact that d is trivially true in C. □

Result 9

No filtering in alternative questions (W)

Let C be a context set, and let d be a proposition that does not contextually entail p.Footnote 50d is W-transparent in the position of q in ?p∨?q if and only if C supports d.

Proof

Once again, define Q(q): = ?p∨?q = {p,q}.

The direction “If C supports d, then d is transparent” is immediate.

Assume that d is W-transparent. Let w be a world such that p(w)=0 and d(w)=1 (such a world exists by assumption). and , so d is contextually equivalent to ⊤. □

Result 10

C-equivalence derives a degenerate pattern in alternative questions

Let C be a context set, and let d be a proposition. d is C-transparent in the position of q in ?p∨?q .

Proof

Once again, define Q(q): = ?p∨?q = {p,q}.

Take q to be an arbitrary proposition, and call \(C'\) the set of worlds in C such that p∨(dq) and ¬(pq) are true. \(C'\) is the biggest subset of C such that the unique-answer presupposition of both Q(q) and Q(dq) is met. What we need to prove is that and define the same two-place predicate over \(C'\), or equivalently that for any \(w \in C'\), both operators return equivalent propositions when applied to w, with equivalence being taken in \(C'\).Footnote 51 Take then w in \(C'\).

  • If p(w)=1, then .

  • If p(w)=0, from the definition of \(C'\) we have d(w)=q(w)=1. It follows that and . Due to the way \(C'\) is defined, both q and dq are equivalent to ¬p in \(C'\) and therefore to one another, as desired.

Thus, d is C-transparent. □

These results are essentially preserved if we look at {p,q,¬(pq)} rather than {p,q}; the proofs are omitted to save space.

1.3 3 Trivalent theories: a compositional approach

We now turn to trivalent theories. The simplest way of adapting trivalent theories to our problem is to consider that conjunction and disjunction of propositions are trivalent, and that question conjunction and disjunction just do what they usually do in H/K semantics, except that questions are sets of trivalent propositions. Below we define such a system, called the Simple Trivalent Answer set Theory (STAT). It is straightforward to verify that under STAT, essentially the same results as with the Transparency Theory obtain: the conjunctive case can be dealt with through the tripartition, while the disjunctive case remains puzzling.Footnote 52

Concretely, assume the following:

Definition 11

STAT

  1. (i)

    Questions are sets of trivalent propositions.

  2. (ii)

    Question conjunction is pointwise Middle Kleene conjunction.

  3. (iii)

    Question disjunction is set union.

  4. (iv)

    Questions are felicitous only if all their answers return 0 or 1 at all worlds in the context.

Result 11

Predictions of STAT

Under the assumptions given in Definition 11:

  1. (i)

    If a conjunctive question (schema: ?p∧?q) denotes the quadripartition {pq,p∧¬qpqp∧¬q}, it should presuppose π(p) and π(q).

  2. (ii)

    If a conjunctive question (schema: ?p∧?q) denotes the tripartition {pq,p∧¬qp}, it should presuppose π(p) and pπ(q).

  3. (iii)

    Whether a disjunctive question (schema: ?p∨?q) denotes {p,q} or {p,qp∧¬q}, it should presuppose π(p) and π(q).

In order to deal with disjunction, one might think that case (iv) in Definition 11 should be relaxed to an existential presupposition: at least one answer should be defined at a given world in the context. We can in fact unify the constraint with the independent assumption, generally made in H/K theories, that questions presuppose that one of their answers is true:

Definition 12

Existential variant of STAT

  1. (iv’)

    Questions presuppose that at least one answer is defined and true at each world in the context.

The observed case of filtering is immediately predicted, but we derive no order effects.

1.4 4 Trivalent deployment of the connectives

Another way of extending trivalent theories to questions is to apply the methodology of “Peters-Kleene deployment”, as described by George (2014), to derive trivalent meanings for the question connectives from their bivalent meanings. Below we provide an implementation of George’s idea, and derive the same results as with the Transparency Theory: presupposition filtering is predicted for the tripartition but not for the quadripartition as far as conjunction is concerned, and not at all as far as disjunction is concerned (only the case of {p,q} is discussed, as using {p,qp∧¬q} instead does not make a difference).

The idea behind Peters-Kleene deployment is as follows: assume that you want to derive how potential undefinedness in p will project in the environment F(p). What you know is the specification of F in the bivalent world (i.e., you know what F(p) is for a total proposition p). Now define the repair set of a trivalent proposition p: it is the set of all propositions that agree with p wherever p is defined.

Definition 13

Repair set of a trivalent proposition

If p is a trivalent proposition, the repair set of p is written as \(p^{R}\) and given by:

$$ p^{R} := \{p' \in \{0,1\}^{\Omega}\,|\, \forall w.\, p(w) \in \{0,1\} \rightarrow p'(w) = p(w)\} $$

(Here Ω is the set of possible worlds, and therefore \(\{0,1\}^{\Omega}\) is the set of total/bivalent propositions.)

From the repair set of p, we derive the deployment of F, \(F^{D}\). Unlike F(p), \(F^{D}(p)\) is potentially defined for some trivalent inputs p. Those inputs are those where, no matter how p is repaired to form a bivalent proposition \(p'\), \(F(p')\) is the same.

Definition 14

Deployment of a functor

If F is a function whose input is a bivalent proposition, the deployment of F is written as \(F^{D}\) and given by:

  1. (i)

    If there is an output X such that for all \(p' \in p^{R}\), \(F(p') = X\), then \(F^{D}(p) = X\).

  2. (ii)

    Otherwise, \(F^{D}(p) = \#\).

In our case, F will be the function from q to the denotation of the question schematized as ?p∧?q or ?p∨?q. The desired result is that even if q is potentially undefined, F(q) might be defined in some cases.

Applying this methodology is most naturally done within a Karttunen-style account. Thus, the output of K will be a Karttunen question (type s(st)t). The definition of deployment above presupposes a notion of equality on the outputs of F; the natural choice in our case is the usual definition of set equality.Footnote 53

We can now prove the results promised above:

Result 12

Deployment of conjunction (quadripartition)

For total propositions p and q, define \(F_{p}(q)\) to represent the Karttunen denotation of a quadripartitive conjunctive question:

$$ F_{p}(q) := \lambda w.\, \lambda r_{st}.\, r \in \{p \land q, p \land \neg q, \neg p \land q, \neg p \land \neg q\} \land r(w) $$

Let p be a total proposition that is true in at least two worlds and false in at least two worlds.Footnote 54\(F^{D}_{p}(q)\) is defined if and only if q is total.

Proof

It is clear that if q is total, \(F^{D}_{p}(q)\) is defined (it is just \(F_{p}(q)\)).

Assume that q is not total, i.e. that there is w such that q(w)=#. Take \(q' \in q^{R}\) such that \(q'(w) = 1\), and \(q'' \in q^{R}\) that is exactly the same as \(q'\), except that \(q''(w) = 0\).

  • If p(w)=1, then \(F_{p}(q')(w) = \{p \land q'\}\) and \(F_{p}(g'')(w) = \{p \land \neg q''\}\). Let \(w'\) be another world where p is true: we have \([p \land q'](w') = q'(w')\) and \([p \land q''](w') = q''(w')\). By construction, \(q'(w') \neq q''(w')\), so \(F_{p}(q')(w) \neq F_{p}(g'')(w)\).

  • If p(w)=0, then \(F_{p}(q')(w) = \{\neg p \land q'\}\) and \(F_{p}(q'')(w) =\{\neg p \land \neg q''\}\). Let \(w'\) be another world where p is false: we have \([\neg p \land q'](w') = q'(w')\) and \([\neg p \land q''](w') = q''(w')\). By construction, \(q'(w') \neq q''(w')\), so \(F_{p}(q')(w) \neq F_{p}(g'')(w)\).

Either way, \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is not defined. By contraposition, if \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is defined, q is total. □

Result 13

Deployment of conjunction (tripartition)

For total propositions p and q, define \(F_{p}(q)\) to represent the Karttunen denotation of a tripartitive conjunctive question:

$$ F_{p}(q) := \lambda w.\, \lambda r_{st}.\, r \in \{p \land q, p \land \neg q, \neg p\} \land r(w) $$

Let p be a total proposition that is true in at least two worlds. \(F^{D}_{p}(q)\) is defined if and only if all #-worlds for q are 0-worlds for p.Footnote 55

Proof

Assume that q is only undefined at worlds where p is false. Take \(q', q''\) in \(q^{R}\), and let w be a world.

  • If p(w)=0, then \([p \land q'](w) = [p \land q''](w) = 0\), and \([p \land \neg q'](w) = [p \land \neg q''](w) = 0\)

  • If p(w)=1, then q is defined at w and \(q'(w) = q''(w) = q(w)\). If q(w)=1, we have \([p \land q'](w) = [p \land q''](w) = 1\) and \([p \land \neg q'](w) = [p \land \neg q''](w) = 0\). If q(w)=0, we have \([p \land q'](w) = [p \land q''](w) = 0\) and \([p \land \neg q'](w) = [p \land \neg q''](w) = 1\).

Then, \(p \land q' = p \land q''\) and \(p \land \neg q' = p \land \neg q''\), from which the fact that \(F_{p}(q') = F_{p}(q'')\) immediately follows. Therefore \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is defined.

As for the other direction, the same reasoning as in the previous result shows that if there is w such that q(w)=# and p(w)=1, then \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is not defined. By contraposition, if \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is defined, there is no such w. □

Result 14

Deployment of disjunction

For total propositions p and q, define \(F_{p}(q)\) to represent the Karttunen denotation of a disjunctive question:

$$ F_{p}(q) := \lambda w.\, \lambda r_{st}.\, r \in \{p, q\} \land r(w) $$

Let p be a total proposition that is true in at least two worlds. \(F^{D}_{p}(q)\) is defined if and only if q is total.

Proof

It is clear that if q is total, \(F^{D}_{p}(q)\) is defined.

Assume that there is w such that q(w)=#. Take \(q' \in q^{R}\) such that q(w)=1, and \(q'' \in q^{R}\) that is the same as \(q'\), except that \(q''(w) = 0\).

  • If p(w)=0, we have \(F_{p}(q')(w) = \{q'\}\) and \(F_{p}(q'')(w) = \varnothing \).

  • If p(w)=1, we have \(F_{p}(q')(w) = \{p, q'\}\) and \(F_{p}(q'')(w) = \{p\}\). If \(q' \neq p\), \(F_{p}(q')(w) \neq F_{p}(q')(w)\). If \(q' = p\), take \(w'\) such that \(p(w') = 1\). We have \(F_{p}^{D}(q')(w') = \{p, q'\} = \{p\}\) and \(F_{p}(q'')(w') = \{p, q''\}\) (recall that \(q''\) agrees with \(q'\), and therefore with p, at \(w'\)). Since \(q'' \neq q'\) by construction, \(F_{p}(q')(w') \neq F_{p}(q'')(w')\).

Either way, \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is not defined. By contraposition, if \(F_{p}^{D}(q)\) is defined, q is total. □

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Enguehard, É. Explaining presupposition projection in (coordinations of) polar questions. Nat Lang Semantics 29, 527–578 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11050-021-09182-2

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