Abstract
In 2014 the League of Arab States (LAS) adopted a statute to establish the Arab Court of Human Rights (ACtHR). However, the proposed court has been strongly criticised for, inter alia, failing to provide for the right of individual petition. Consequently, the statute has failed to receive sufficient ratification and the process of establishing a supranational human rights enforcement mechanism has stalled. This article considers the complex conflict of institutional logics that may explain this failure. On the one hand, the legitimacy and perceived legitimacy that comes with an effective human rights regime creates an isomorphic pressure on the Arab states and the LAS to establish a supranational human rights enforcement mechanism. On the other hand, this pressure is opposed by the conflicting logics arising from the Arab world’s reaction to orientalism, from cultural relativism, and from sovereignty, particularly in the context of authoritarian political systems. It is submitted that, because the proposed ACtHR would be only weakly legitimate, the motivational pressure on LAS member states to ratify the statute and establish the court is insufficient to overcome the pressure from those conflicting logics. It is, however, argued that cultural relativism should be seen, not as an impediment, but as a motivation for establishing an effective and legitimate supranational human rights court. Acting as a ‘norm-broker’, such a court may help to resolve the tension between the currently conflicting logics.
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Notes
Al-Midani et al. (2006), pp. 147–148.
Rishmawi (2015), pp. 27–29.
For a discussion of the struggles faced by the Arab Organisation for Human Rights see, Crystal (1994).
Rishmawi (2010), p. 170.
Almakky (2015), p. 8.
Council of the League of Arab States (7 September 2014) Ministers of Foreign Affairs (142) session, Resolution No. 7790, EA (142) C 3.
International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) (2013), p. 17.
International Commission of Jurists (2015), pp. 5–7.
2014 Statute, Art. 33.
Anderson (2011), p. 2.
DiMaggio and Powell (1983), p. 147.
Ibid., p. 148.
Greenwood and Suddaby (2006), p. 28.
Friedland (2013), p. 34.
See, Fassbender (1998), p. 529.
Deephouse (1996), p. 1033.
Thornton and Ocasio (2008), p. 101.
Friedland (2013), p. 36.
Vetterlein and Moschella (2014), p. 149.
Scott and Ambler (2007), p. 68.
Hawkins (2004), p. 783–784.
See, Bennoune (2018) Universality, cultural diversity and cultural rights, Report of the Special Rapporteur in the field of cultural rights, UN Doc. A/73/227, para. 15.
Burstein (2006), p. 435.
See, Terman and Voeten (2018), p. 6.
Landolt and Woo (2017), pp. 420–421.
Carraro (2019), pp. 1083–1084, 1088.
See, Peterson et al. (2016).
Murdie (2009), pp. 422, 439–440.
See, Howard et al. (2011).
Harrelson-Stephens and Callaway (2014), pp. 414, 426–427.
See, BICI (2011).
Human Rights Watch (2011).
BICI (2011), pp. 383–384.
BICI (2011), pp. 223–226, 266–228, 281, 296–301.
Magliveras and Naldi (2016), p. 150.
Ibid., p. 150.
Almutawa and Magliveras (2021), p. 1270.
Quoted in: Rishmawi (2015), p. 1.
LAS Ministerial Council (10 March 2012) 137th Ordinary Session, Resolution 7489.
See, International Commission of Jurists (2015), p. 26.
Trindade (1998), p. 7.
Simma (2013), p. 319.
For further discussion of the criticisms regarding the lack of provision for the right of individual petition see: Almutawa (2021), pp. 519–528.
International Commission of Jurists (2015), p. 26.
Ibid., p. 6.
Magliveras and Naldi (2016), pp. 161–162, 170.
Magliveras (2017), p. 46. See, 2014 Statute, Arts. 4, 28, 29.
International Commission of Jurists (2015), p. 6.
Magliveras (2017), pp. 51–52.
Burstein (2006), p. 433.
Cheng (2012), p. 142.
Henderson (2014), p. 176.
1945 Charter of the United Nations, 1 UNTS 16.
Krasner (2017), pp. 44, 49.
Rishmawi (2015), p. 4.
1945 Charter of the League of Arab States, 70 UNTS 237.
Almutawa (2020), p. 251.
See, Fawcett (2017).
Zartman (2017), p. 947.
The Bahrain government continues to criticise Iran for interference in its domestic affairs. See, for example, UNSC (2018) Maintenance of international peace and security: Comprehensive Review of the situation in the Middle East and North Africa, 8293rd Meeting, S/pv.8293, pp. 54–55. See also, Almutawa (2019), pp. 32–36.
See, Winer (2019).
Fawcett (2017), p. 803.
Mabon (2017), p. 1794.
Ibrahim (2019), pp. 310–311.
Hawkins (2004), p. 781.
Moore (2003), pp. 885–886.
van Hüllen (2015), p. 130.
Mokhtari (2012), p. 195.
van Hüllen (2015), p. 126.
Ibid., p. 140.
Said (1978), p. 12.
Moosavinia et al. (2011), pp. 104–105.
Saghaye-Biria (2018), p. 62.
Choueiri (2003), p. 5.
Barnett (1995), pp. 494, 504.
Saghaye-Biria (2018), p. 66.
Najjar (2005), p. 94.
Hosseinioun (2018), p. 25.
An-Na’im (2001), p. 702.
Donnelly (2013), pp. 76–90.
An-Na’im (2000), pp. 97–99.
Personal communication (October 2021) with a Saudi Arabian Official who was a member of the expert committee drafting the 2014 Statute and was previously a member of the Arab Charter of Human Rights Committee.
Personal communication (October 2021) with an Egyptian member of the expert committee drafting the 2014 Statute.
Wheatley (2014), p. 91.
Hamilton and Buyse (2018), pp. 206, 227.
van Hüllen (2015), p. 139.
Risse and Ropp (2013), pp. 5–7. Based on empirical case studies, the spiral model suggests there are five stages involved in the process of human rights development: repression, denial, tactical concessions, prescriptive status; and rule-consistent behaviour.
Evans (1996), p. 3.
Baxi (2008), p. 160.
Mayer (1994), p. 383.
See, Bennoune, above n. 25, para. 7.
Morrison (2004), p. 17.
Donnelly (2007), p. 281.
Donnelly (2013), p. 104.
Halliday (1995), p. 157.
Mutua (2004), p. 63.
High Judicial Council/Appellate Court, decision of June 27, 2011 (Iraq).
Magliveras (2017), pp. 51–52.
International Commission of Jurists (2015), pp. 7–8.
International Commission of Jurists (2015), p. 5.
An-Na’im (2001), p. 720.
Khadduri (1984), pp. 3–5. See, for example, the Qur’an, chapter 5, verse 8 and chapter 57, verse 25.
Kamali (2011), p. 87.
An-Na’im (2001), pp. 731–732.
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Almutawa, A. The Failure of the Arab Court of Human Rights and the Conflicting Logics of Legitimacy, Sovereignty, Orientalism and Cultural Relativism. Neth Int Law Rev 68, 479–500 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40802-021-00202-w
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s40802-021-00202-w