¹ L’École Niedermeyer's official name was L’École de musique religieuse et classique, and its pupils included the organist-composer Eugène Gigout and conductor-composer André Messager. It was a vocational school for organists and choirmasters that gained official recognition from Napoleon III in 1853, the year before nine-year-old Gabriel Fauré would arrive. For an account of Fauré's time at the École Niedermeyer and for details of his early contact with salon society, see Nectoux, Jean-Michel, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991): 5–12Google Scholar. Until the much-needed revision of that English-language biography appears, the most-up-to-date resource on the composer and his music is Nectoux's, Jean-Michel Gabriel Fauré: les voix du clair-obscur, 2nd ed. (Paris: Fayard, 2008)Google Scholar.

² For recent research reflecting the still-evolving image of Gabriel Fauré, see the special issue of Nineteenth-Century Music Review entitled Critical Responses to Nineteenth-Century French Music, particularly Heather de Savage, ‘“Under the Gallic Spell”: Boston's Embrace of Gabriel Fauré, 1892‒1924’ (online at doi:10.1017/S1479409820000452), and Christopher Moore, ‘Three Versions of Classic: The Construction of Gabriel Fauré in the 1920s’ (online at doi:10.1017/S1479409820000464), Nineteenth Century Music Review (forthcoming).

³ For an introduction to the notion of ‘artistic salon’, see Cécile Tardif, ‘Fauré and the Salons’, in Regarding Fauré, ed. Tom Gordon (Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach, 1999): 1–14. Tardif distinguishes three types of Parisian salon, including the ‘aristocratic salon’, the ‘bourgeois salon’ and the ‘artistic salon’; see Tardif, ‘Fauré and the Salons’, 2–4. As an example of the latter, she observes that ‘Pauline Viardot's salon was most notably impressive both for its size and for the Cavaillé-Coll organ at its center’; see Tardif, ‘Fauré and the Salons’, 4. Viardot's salon also held an Érard piano around which guests would gather.

⁴ In a discussion of Fryderyk Chopin, Carl Dahlhaus distinguished differences among the types of music that could be heard in mid-nineteenth century Parisian salons: ‘We obscure the social character of Chopin's music when we feel an urge to defend it from the thoroughly appropriate term “salon music”. Instead of clinging to a watered-down notion of this term, extracted from pieces that were intended to delude provincial middle-class audiences into a musical daydream of salons they were not allowed to enter, we should instead try to reconstruct the aesthetic of a musical genre imbued with the spirit of the authentic salon. (What is referred to nowadays as salon music is almost invariably pseudosalon music.) In the first half of the nineteenth century, the salon was on a par with the opera house and the concert hall as a crucial venue for the history of music, one that bridged the preconditions of social history and this history of composition’; Dahlhaus, Carl, Nineteenth-Century Music, trans. Robinson, J. Bradford (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989): 147–8Google Scholar. In contrast to ‘authentic’ salon music, Dahlhaus used the term ‘Hausmusik’ to refer to what was commonly heard during domestic music-making in that era, which he asserted was ‘dominated by opera arrangements, potpourris, and sentimental, pseudovirtuosic pièces and was characteristic of lower middle classes: This type of subculture made use of provincial, petty-bourgeois Salonmusik in imitation of the Parisian salons of the grand bourgeois’; Dahlhaus, Nineteenth-Century Music, 151. Perhaps the only work of Fauré's that might be even remotely considered within that latter category is his Souvenirs de Bayreuth for piano four hands, composed with André Messager and based on themes from Wagner's Ring, though not published until 1930. Yet even there, the musical humour is sly and ironic, and is unlikely to be appreciated by all listeners.

⁵ For details of Fauré's involvement in Parisian salon culture during the 1870s, see Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, chapter 3, especially pp. 28–36.

⁶ For more on Winnaretta Singer, who nurtured the work of Fauré, Ravel, Satie, Milhaud, Poulenc and Stravinsky, see Kahan, Sylvia, Music's Modern Muse: A Life of Winnaretta Singer, the Princesse de Polignac (Rochester: University of Rochester Press, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁷ Carlo Caballero suggested that Fauré may have been introduced to Buddhism by Ernest Renan in Pauline Viardot's salon; see Fauré and French Musical Aesthetics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001): 174. Curiously, Caballero offered little else regarding the profound influence that Parisian salons exerted on the composer's personal style.

⁸ The year 1871 was a momentous year for Fauré, as Jean-Michel Nectoux relates: ‘Grace à Saint-Saëns, il se lie avec tout le milieu musical de la capitale: d'Indy, Lalo, Franck, Duparc, et participe à la fondation de la Société nationale de musique (25 février 1871) où seront données nombre de compositions du jeune Fauré. M^me E. Lalo, Marie Trélat, Henriette Fuchs, Félix Lévy y interprètent ses nouvelles mélodies que publié aussi Georges Hartmann’ (‘Thanks to Saint-Saëns, he [Fauré] connects himself with the whole musical world of the capital: d'Indy, Lalo, Franck, Duparc, and participates in the foundation of the Société nationale de musique (25 February 1871) where a number of compositions by the young Fauré will be performed. Madame E. Lalo, Marie Trélat, Henriette Fuchs and Félix Lévy interpret his mélodies there, also published by Georges Hartmann’); see Jean-Michel Nectoux, ed., Gabriel Fauré: Correspondance suivie de Lettres à Madame H. (Paris: Fayard, 2015): 9. Coincidentally, another event was equally determinative of his future, as Nectoux explains: ‘La consécration parisienne du jeune musician sera symbolisée par son entrée, en 1871, dans l'un des principaux salons musicaux de la capital, celui de Pauline Viardot’ (‘The Parisian consecration of the young musician will be symbolized by his entrée, in 1871, into one of the principal musical salons of the capital, that of Pauline Viardot’); see Gabriel Fauré: Correspondance, 9. Both of these environments encouraged Fauré's creativity, cultivated his confidence, and inspired his innovation, securing his success.

⁹ For more on this remarkable singer, composer and celebrity, see Barbier, Patrick, Pauline Viardot (Paris: Grasset, 2009)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ See Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, 28–31, for additional details regarding Fauré and the Viardots. Fauré was briefly engaged to Pauline Viardot's youngest daughter Marianne, and Charles-Marie Gounod had agreed to serve as a witness for their marriage (30–31).

¹¹ Pauline Viardot composed mélodies and wrote brief operatic works that were produced in her salon; see Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, 29.

¹² Fauré often made communication on multiple levels a structural premise in his work, as his greatest song cycle demonstrates; see James William Sobaskie, ‘Le sous-texte ironique de La bonne chanson de Gabriel Fauré’, Musique Française: Esthétique et identité en mutation 1892–1992, ed. Pascal Terrien (Le Vallier: Éditions Delatour France, 2012): 311–36.

¹³ On the multiple levels of communication in Fauré's instrumental music, see James William Sobaskie, ‘Rêveries within fantasies: the Barcarolles of Gabriel Fauré’, L'analyse musicale aujourd'hui, ed. Mondher Ayari, Jean-Michel Bardez and Xavier Hascher (Le Vallier: Éditions Delatour France, 2015): 333–56.

¹⁴ For more on the role of the principle of allusion in Fauré's music, see the following items by James William Sobaskie: ‘Allusion in the Music of Gabriel Fauré’, in Regarding Fauré, ed. and trans. Tom Gordon (Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach, 1999): 163–205; ‘The Emergence of Gabriel Fauré's Late Musical Style and Technique’, Journal of Musicological Research 22/3 (2003): 223–75, and ‘Allusion as Premise: Two mélodies of Fauré’, in Making Sense of Music: Studies in Musical Semiotics (Proceedings of the XII^th International Congress on Musical Signification, Volume III), ed. Constantino Maeder and Mark Reybrouck (Louvain-le-Neuve: Presses Universitaires de Louvain, 2017): 17–28. For more information on this subject, see James William Sobaskie, The Music of Gabriel Fauré: Style, Structure and the Art of Allusion (forthcoming).

¹⁵ A variety of works are linked to this salon context, including Fauré's vocal duets ‘Puisqu'ici bas (c. 1863–1873) and ‘Tarantelle’ (c. 1873), Op. 10 Nos. 1 and 2, written for and dedicated to Pauline Viardot's second and third daughters, Claudie and Marianne. Fauré's Les Djinns was dedicated to the eldest of Pauline's daughters, Louise, while his first Violin Sonata, Op. 13 (1877) was dedicated to her son Paul. In addition to ‘Chanson du pêcheur (Lamento)’, which is examined here, Fauré's mélodie ‘Barcarolle’ (1873), Op. 7 No. 3, was dedicated to Pauline Viardot. Finally, mention might be made of Fauré's duet ‘Ave Maria’ (1877) which was first performed by Claudie and Marianne in the Church of the Madeleine on 30 May 1877; see Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, 533.

¹⁶ Carl Dahlhaus presents passing references to Gabriel Fauré's music within just three brief paragraphs buried in his book, Nineteenth-Century Music, wherein condescension dominates: ‘As measured against the German yardstick (which may or may not have been historically legitimate), French chamber music almost invariably represented a compromise. The composers of the Société Nationale, Saint-Saëns no less than Fauré or even Franck, were suspected by purist critics of secretly gravitating toward salon music’ (291). Dahlhaus's dismissal of such widely acknowledged and justly admired masterpieces such as Fauré's First Violin Sonata, as well as the piano quartets in C minor and G minor, portrays an attitude toward French music that once was common among many musicological circles and contributed to the marginalization of Gallic art in the twentieth century: ‘The easy manner in which Fauré, like Schubert, seems to “squander” his music upon us may in fact represent much hard work; at all events, it requires a certain effort of conscious listening to recognize that his melody is a consequence of the compositional setting, and vice versa. If we simply yield passively and mindlessly to his cantabile, the sophistication of Fauré's harmony and rhythm – his subtle manner of avoiding or concealing “rhythmic foursquareness” (unlike Franck, who tends to emphasize it) – turns into mere vagueness combined with coloristic effects that might well be tolerable in orchestral music but which are inconsistent with the stylistic principles of chamber music. Confronted with the rigorous aesthetic strictures of chamber music, these pieces convey, on casual hearing, the impression that they are near to salon music, a music composed of cantabile phrases over a backdrop of diffuse, kaleidoscopic sonorities’ (291). Fortunately, Dahlhaus's opinions now appear antiquated.

¹⁷ N 24, N 37, and N 71a are the corresponding catalogue numbers as provided in Jean-Michel Nectoux, ed., Gabriel Fauré: Catalogue des œuvres, Gabriel Fauré Œuvres complètes, Série 7, Vol. 1 (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 2018).

¹⁸ See Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, especially 28–9 and 69–70. Nectoux's catalogue of Fauré's works indicates that ‘Chanson du pêcheur (Lamento)’ was premièred at a concert of the Société Nationale de Music on 8 February 1873 by Mme Edouard [Julie] Lalo, published by Choudens in 1877, and that Pauline Viardot sang his orchestral version of the song at a concert of the Société Nationale de Music on 22 April 1876; see Nectoux, ed. Gabriel Fauré: Catalogue des œuvres, 27–9. Unfortunately, no information survives regarding the mélodie's first private performances.

¹⁹ In his biography of his father, Philippe Fauré-Fremiet describes ‘Chanson du pêcheur (Lamento)’ as ‘déchirante’ – ‘heartbreaking’; see Fauré-Fremiet, Philippe, Gabriel Fauré, rev. ed. (Paris: Rieder, 1957, originally published 1929): 45Google Scholar.

²⁰ Théophile Gautier's poem, ‘La chanson du pêcheur – Lamento’ appears in his collection, La Comedie de la Mort (Paris: Dessart, Éditeur, 1838): 227–9. Berlioz's setting appears in his Les Nuits d’Été, Op. 7/3 (1841), with the title ‘Sur les lagunes’. Gounod set the poem twice, using the title ‘La chanson du pêcheur: Lamento’ in 1841 (CG 397) and in 1872 (CG 404). Saint-Saëns's version (1850) is titled ‘Lamento’. Offenbach's interpretation, titled ‘Ma belle amie est morte’, forms the fourth song in his collection Les voix mystérieuses (1852). Finally, Pauline Viardot also used the title ‘Lamento’ for her own setting (1886).

²¹ For more on the romance and the emergence of the mélodie, see Tunley, David, Salons, Singers and Songs: A Background to Romantic French song, 1830–1870 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2002): especially chapters 7 and 8Google Scholar.

²² In this example, individual harmonic identities are indicated using chord labels characteristic of contemporary ‘pop’ music, while Roman numeral harmonic analysis serves to signal structural articulation. Fauré's personal approach to harmony, gained during his training at L’École Niedermeyer and differing from that taught at the Paris Conservatoire, was based on the teaching of Gustave Lefèvre; it stressed semitonal chord alteration, pitch reinterpretation, freedom of dissonance resolution, and distant modulation. For an introduction to Fauré's harmony, see Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, 227–9. For more in-depth analysis, see Françoise Gervais, ‘Étude comparée des langages harmoniques de Fauré et Debussy’, La Revue musicale 272–273 (1971); and Tait, Robin, The Musical Language of Gabriel Fauré (New York: Garland, 1989)Google Scholar, especially chapter 1, ‘The Main Characteristics of Fauré's Harmony’; chapter 2, ‘Education and the Discovery of Modality’; and chapter 3, ‘Equivocacy: Some Specific Harmonic Processes’.

²³ Maurice Ravel may have captured the concept of Fauréan tonal fluidity best in discussing a slightly later song called ‘Le secret’: ‘Résolutions exceptionelles, équivoques, modulations aux tons éloignés, nous ramenant au principal ton par des chemins inconnus, sont autant de jeux périlleux que Fauré pratique dès l'abord en maître’ (‘Exceptional resolutions, ambiguities, modulations to remote keys bring us to the principal key by unknown paths, so many are the perilous games that Fauré played from the first as a master’); see Ravel, Maurice, ‘Les Mélodies de Gabriel Fauré’, La Revue musicale 4/11 (1922): 24Google Scholar.

²⁴ For more on transient tonicization, see James William Sobaskie, ‘Allusion in the Music of Gabriel Fauré’, Regarding Fauré, ed. and trans. Tom Gordon (Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach, 1999): 181–8. Robert Orledge calls this technique ‘tonal sidestepping’; see Robert Orledge, Gabriel Fauré, rev. ed. (London: Eulenberg, 1983): 250.

²⁵ Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, 70.

²⁶ For more on the ‘attempt–attempt–achievement’ paradigm, see Sobaskie, James William, ‘Precursive Prolongation in the Préludes of Chopin’, Journal of the Society for Musicology in Ireland 3 (2007–08): 25–61, esp. 41–4Google Scholar. See also James William Sobaskie, ‘The Dramatic Monologue of Schubert's Mass in A flat Major’ and ‘The Dramatic Strategy Within Two of Schubert's Serenades’, chapters 3 and 6 in Drama in the Music of Franz Schubert, ed. Joe Davies and James William Sobaskie (Woodbridge: Boydell & Brewer, 2019). This threefold pattern corresponds to what Susan Wollenberg calls a Schubertian ‘fingerprint’; for more on this feature of Schubert's style, see chapter 8, ‘Threefold Constructions’, in her book Schubert's Fingerprints: Studies in the Instrumental Works (Farnham: Ashgate, 2011): 191–212.

²⁷ Compact instances of a similar striving ascent occur in the three ‘refrains’ that unfold in bars 10–13, 26–29, and 42–45. In each, a series of rising vocal gestures culminates in the ‘ceiling’ pitch of E♭5.

²⁸ The public première of ‘Au bord de l'eau’ took place at a concert of the Société Nationale de Musique on 19 January 1878, when it was sung by soprano Mlle Louise de Miromount-Tréogate, accompanied by the composer; see Nectoux, ed., Gabriel Fauré: Catalogue des œuvres, 48–50, where the mélodie's catalogue number is N 37. Regrettably, no accounts of its initial private performances are available.

²⁹ See Nectoux, Gabriel Fauré: A Musical Life, 353. The text of the poem appears in the poet's collection Les vaines tendresses (Paris: A Lemerre, 1875): 139. René François Armand Prudhomme would be awarded the first Nobel Prize for Literature in 1901.

³⁰ See Fauré-Fremiet, Gabriel Fauré (1957): 44–5: ‘C'est avec Chant d'Automne, L'Absent – si rarement chantés – [et] Au bord de l'eau, que Gabriel Fauré affirme sa libre conception de la mélodie, synthèse lyrique, mariage du mot et de la note. Pas de superposition, pas de marche parallèle entre les deux arts, musique, et poésie; la pensée du compositeur doit s'identifier à celle du poète. L’œuvre musicale doit être inseparable de l’œuvre poétique’ (‘It is with Chant d'Automne, L'Absent – so rarely sung – [and] Au bord de l'eau, that Gabriel Fauré affirmed his independent conception of the mélodie, lyrical synthesis, marriage of the word and the note. Not superposition, nor coordination between the two arts, music and poetry; the thought of the composer must identify with that of the poet. The musical work must be inseparable from the poetic work.’).

³¹ Charles Koechlin, Fauré, trans. Leslie Orrey (London: Dobson, 1945): 19. Of the harmonies in bar 5 (see Ex. 5), he notes: ‘The consecutive 7ths in au Bord de l'eau are carried out with infinite grace; their audacity remains unnoticed, but in their day it was great’. See Charles Koechlin, Fauré, 65n2.

³² Jankélévitch, Vladimir, Gabriel Fauré: Ses mélodies, Son esthétique (Paris: Plon, 1938): 49–50Google Scholar. The full sentence of Jankélévitch's original text reads: ‘La tristesse se fait quasi imperceptible dans AU BORD DE L'EAU, délicieuse chanson, toute pleine de sournoiserie et de nonchalance’. In his revision of this classic study, titled Fauré et l'inexprimable (Paris: Plon, 1974), Jankélévitch rephrases his description, writing ‘La tristesse se fait quasi imperceptible dans AU BORD DE L'EAU, délicieuse chanson, toute pleine d'un charme insidieux et nonchalant’ (‘Sadness is almost imperceptible in AU BORD DE L'EAU, full of an insidious and nonchalant charm’) (p. 57), thereby drawing attention to the engaging nature of Fauré's mélodie while demonstrating the difficulty in describing its subtle nature and means.

³³ In a letter of 1902 to Comtesse Élisabeth Greffulhe, Fauré confirmed his appreciation of amateur singers: ‘Et je suis sûr qu'il est beaucoup des mes mélodies, parmi celles de ces derniéres années, que vous ne connaissez pas encore! Je rêve de vous les faire entendre avec des interprètes parfaits, et je n'en connais pas parmi les professionels. Ce sont les amateurs qui me comprennent et me traduisent le mieux’ (‘And I am sure that there are many of my mélodies, among those of these last years, that you still do not know! I dream of having you hear them with perfect interpreters, and I do not know many such among the professionals. It is the amateurs who understand me and interpret me the best’); see Gabriel Fauré: Correspondance suivie de Lettres à Madame H., 294.

³⁴ Fauré's early music, particularly its treatment of chromaticism, dissonance and modal suggestion, owes much to the influence of Chopin; see James William Sobaskie, ‘Chopin's Legacy in France: The Music of Gabriel Fauré’, in Chopin 1810 – 2010: Ideas – Interpretations – Influence, ed. Irena Poniatowska and Zofia Chechlinska (Warsaw: Fryderyk Chopin Institute, 2017): 561–74.

³⁵ Delivering a lecture at the Rice Institute (now Rice University, Houston, Texas) in February of 1925, Fauré's former student Nadia Boulanger asserted: ‘Consider, for instance, the Allegro Moderato of the “Second Quintet” [1921]. In reality, the entire movement represents a single, long line. Cadences there are, many plagal, two or three perfect, most of them deceptive; but a very few of them, until the last pages of the coda, have the punctative value of a period. Most of them are commas or at best, semicolons. Consequently, first, transition, and secondary themes, development, recapitulation, and coda constitute not so many sections of sonata form, but a single, uninterrupted melody which grows and unfolds with miraculous fecundity and naturalness’; see Campbell, Don G., Master Teacher: Nadia Boulanger (Washington, DC: The Pastoral Press, 1984): 108Google Scholar.

³⁶ The shape created by these two descents of the 10th may be described as a sawtooth or zig-zag.

³⁷ Marguerite Long, who championed Fauré's music for six decades, tells us: ‘Fauré's phrasing was very long, his perorations endless (Debussy said: “He doesn't know how to finish”), and these required support from variety in shading. I tried to make his phrasing more striking, to enhance the value of a dynamic, to find inflections which were not accentuated, but which gave the right kind of sound to a modulation. After I had considered the effect for a long time beforehand, I would submit my proposals to the master for his approval. I worked with him from 1902–1912, and during these years the validity of the interpretation of so many works firmly established itself with us’. See Marguerite Long, At the Piano with Fauré, trans. Olive Senior-Ellis (New York: Taplinger, 1981): 67. In vocal works like ‘Au bord de l'eau’, the variety of shading needed to sustain the Fauréan ‘long line’ is somewhat easier to determine, since here it proceeds from the meaning of the poetic text.

³⁸ Timbral variety, along with shading that arose through the performer's manipulation of dynamics, articulation, and inflection, is essential to the style and structure of Fauré's music. His treatment of these factors differs from that of his peers. As Marguerite Long explained: ‘Playing Fauré is different from playing Debussy, for whom every note is a sound, whence the necessity of as varied a tonal palette as possible; while with Fauré it is the line that counts. For one, a series of sounds; for the other, a line of different timbres’; see Long, At the Piano with Fauré, 68.

³⁹ See Rosand, Ellen, ‘The Descending Tetrachord: An Emblem of Lament’, The Musical Quarterly 65/3 (1979): 346–59Google Scholar; Su Yin Mak, ‘Schubert's Allusions to the Descending Tetrachord’, in Le style instrumental de Schubert: sources, analyse, evolution, ed. Xavier Hascher (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2007): 163–79; and James William Sobaskie, ‘Schubert's Self-Elegies’, Nineteenth-Century Music Review 5/2 (2008): 91. For a broader survey, see Williams, Peter, The Chromatic Fourth During Four Centuries of Music (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Although the young Viardot was the first to play Fauré's Romance, during the summer of 1877 at the family's country retreat, the work was not published or publicly premièred until 1883, when it was performed in Paris by its dedicatee, Arma Harkness, an American virtuosa who studied at the Paris Conservatoire, during a concert of the Société Nationale de Musique on 3 February 1883; see Nectoux, ed., Gabriel Fauré: Catalogue des œuvres, 114–15. Paul Viardot also is the dedicatee of Fauré's Première Sonate pour violon et piano, Op. 13 (1877).

⁴¹ See Gabriel Fauré: Correspondance suivie de Lettres à Madame H., 64–5 for the original text of a letter dated 17 September 1877 to Mme Clerc: ‘À la première audition j'ai obtenu un succès de grincement de dents; à la seconde la lumière s'est faite un peu et à la troisième le ruisseau limpide qui court dans la verte prairie a servi de terme de comparison! Quel dommage qu'on ne puisse pas toujours commencer par la troisième audition!’ Fauré had written of the composition's start to his fiancée Marianne Viardot on 3 September (see p. 60), so its completion took just two weeks. It appears that Fauré left the manuscript at the Viardot summer home in Bougival, for in July of 1879 – nearly two years after the end of his engagement to Marianne – he wrote to Pauline Viardot, asking for its return; see Gabriel Fauré: Correspondance suivie de Lettres à Madame H., 89.

⁴² See Gabriel Fauré: Correspondance suivie de Lettres à Madame H., 64.

⁴³ What I describe as the Romance's ‘3rd motive’, which is most commonly expressed by a succession of steps proceeding in one direction, e.g., F5–G5–A5, also may be expressed as G5–A5–F5 via the technique of interversion. Interversion was discussed by Rudoph Reti in The Thematic Process in Music (London: Faber, 1961): 72.

⁴⁴ Carlo Caballero uses similar bracketing to illuminate what he calls Fauré's ‘diffusion of metre’; see his Fauré and French Musical Aesthetics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001): 224, 230, and 234–5.

⁴⁵ An anonymous reviewer observed that the B section's hemiola was anticipated in bar 31 of the violin part, where Fauré's slurring created dynamically projected paired quaver groups. The reader also observed that the ‘3rd motive’ and the ‘neighbour motive’ often are embedded within the triplets of the piano accompaniment; note, for instance, how in bar 39 the pitches G2–A2–B♭2 initiate the first three triplets, and how an instance of B♭2–A2–B♭2 is elided via the third through fifth triplets. I thank that reader most kindly for these contributions, as well as their close reading of my essay.