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Explaining dynamic morphological patterns in acquisition using Network Analysis

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Abstract

The dynamic nature of language development entails growing complexity of networks between forms and functions, as well as between functions and between forms. Network Analysis in linguistics has been used to explain dynamic relations especially in the realm of semantic networks, analyzing their structure and development. The present paper proposes a novel methodology to account for emerging patterns of use by analyzing morphological form-form relations as networks. We account for the relations between the Semitic constructs of roots and verb patterns (binyanim ‘buildings’), the morphological building blocks of Hebrew verbs. We analyze new Hebrew corpora of input to young children and children’s own output in dyadic and peer interactions: Child speech in interaction with parents between the ages of 1;8 to 2;2 years, child peer talk of six age groups (2;0–2;6, 2;6–3;0, 3;0–4;0, 4;0–5;0, 5;0–6;0, 7;0–8;0), adults’ speech to infants (3 months, 6 months, 9 months, 12 months), and to toddlers (1;8–2;2), and storybooks for young children. Using network analyses of the relations between roots and patterns in each corpus, we reveal emerging patterns of links, manifested as root-based and pattern-based derivational families. We show that the morphological development of the Hebrew verb category can be modeled by the measures of (i) network hubs (based on degree centrality), as representing patterns’ linkage, (ii) changes in node centrality, as representing importance within networks, (iii) network density, as representing growth potential, and (iv) network modularity and community structure, as representing emergent morphological categories. Our findings indicate that in both child speech and child directed speech networks linkage increases with age, nodes change centrality within the network, density values decline with age, networks become less modular, and larger, more coherent communities emerge. These findings add another facet to the quantification of language development, specifically modeling system-level productivity and the emergence of morphological categories.

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Notes

  1. As general theoretical motivation for this verb-focused investigation, we follow Haspelmath’s 1990 comment that “the verbal morphology associated with a passive construction is an essential part of the construction whose properties are worthy of study in their own right. Indeed, the passive can be regarded as first and foremost a verbal morphological category whose meaning implies certain changes in the clause structure.” (p. 25). An anonymous reviewer commented that “In the tradition of IndoEuropean Morphology passive diathesis is classically treated as an inflectional phenomenon”. A recent, comprehensive analysis of the diachrony of passive voice in IE languages (Luraghi et al., 2021) presents a somewhat different picture. While the most frequent way to encode passives in these languages was through the use of inflectional middle voice marking (p. 378), the paper describes how a third, passive voice (in addition to the ancient active – middle contrast) emerged in IE languages and language families involving the interaction of both inflectional and derivational processes (as well as periphrastic means, see Toyota, 2008), with increasing prominence for derivation (p. 340). For example, Ancient Greek and Indo-Iranian had dedicated derivational passive markers (pp. 352-357), while in Armenian and Old Irish (pp. 380-381), the passive-active distinction emerged through primarily non-inflectional strategies (p. 370). Thus, passive morphology in IE languages arose through rich and various means (p. 384), including the use of inflectional middle voice endings, grammaticalization of derivational suffixes, and the creation of periphrastic forms based on past participles or verbal nouns (p. 381). Derivation is a well attested yet not a major passive strategy in IE languages (p. 383).

    While we of course take no stand on this IE issue, which relies on its own scholarship, it seems that in cross-linguistic perspective, passive inflectional morphology is rarely found outside the IE languages. According to Bybee (1985), and as discussed in Luraghi et al. (2021), most of the world’s languages from different families favor derivational over inflectional strategies for passive formation. See also the analyses in Foley (2007) and in Keenan and Dryer (2007). This sets the stage for the summary of Hebrew passive morphology as derivational, based on theoretical, experimental, and corpus-based analyses detailed in Ravid (2020), Ravid and Vered (2017) and Levie et al. (2020).

    Hebrew passive formation is firmly embedded in Hebrew root-and-binyan morphology, which enables semi-productive derivational families combining lexically specific meanings with transitivity and Aktionsart values (somewhat similar to Slavic verb formation). Passive verb formation takes place solely within this stringent root-binyan verb system, where three active/transitive binyan patterns—Qal, Hif’il, and Pi’el – are each associated with a dedicated passive counterpart – Nif’al, Huf’al, and Pu’al respectively. The three patterns expressing passive voice in relation to their active counterparts are not uniform, falling into two distinct groups. First, the two strictly passive binyanim Pu’al and Huf’al that share unique morphological features and are highly regular, even semi-automatic in relation to their transitive counterparts. Second, Nif’al, which, in contrast, shares none of the morpho-phonological peculiarities of the strict passives and, like the rest of the binyanim, holds lexical as well as morphologically unpredictable and semi-productive relationships with other binyan patterns. In addition to its non-major role as the passive counterpart of Qal, Nif’al serves as the middle voice, inceptive and inchoative counterpart to Qal and Hif’il, having most of the Aktionsart functions of Hitpa’el. In developmental psycholinguistic perspective, Nif’al gradually changes its semantic-pragmatic features from the prominent expressor of telic middle voice in childhood to expressing medio-passive and passive meanings in adolescence. Huf’al and Pu’al as verbal passives (in contrast to adjectival passives) rarely occur in spoken or written Hebrew, appearing mostly in adult discourse. This is why passive morphology did not constitute part of the current study focusing on child morphology in Hebrew.

  2. Since the two exclusively passive binyan patterns Huf’al and Pu’al lack imperative and infinitive forms, the total number of binyan temporal patterns is 31 (five temporal patterns in five non-passive binyanim, and three patterns in the two passive-dedicated binyanim (Ravid, 2020)). This organization is critical for the variables in the current analysis.

  3. Unlike temporal shifts, which rely on root-and-pattern affixation, agreement marking of person, number and gender is linear. Agreement markers are attached to the binyan-temporal verb stem as prefixes and/or suffixes, depending on the tense, resulting in further morpho-phonological changes to the stem. These are not relevant to the current study, which focuses on the non-inflected temporal verb stem. See also footnote 4.

  4. Note that the current study does not involve analyses of agreement inflection, but see Dattner et al. (2021) for a model that considers prosodic structure, vocalic pattern, and affix as included in a single node in a network rather than three independent constituents.

  5. Note that the 95% threshold for hub detection is common, yet arbitrary.

  6. Given the nature of the age group variable in the present study, significant differences between the groups cannot be trustfully calculated. Using network density as a proxy for morphological age made it possible to treat age group as an independent continuous variable rather than an ordinal multilevel variable. Thus, while not solving the between group comparison problem, it yielded better fitting models.

  7. There is a clear relationship between mean Degree Centrality and Network Density, since the sum of the degree equals to the number of links×2. However, given that we model only pattern Degree Centrality we may nevertheless use Network Density as a proxy for morphological age.

  8. Degree Centrality is calculated for both root and pattern nodes together, since it is only by linking a root and a pattern that a verb wordform can be created. Thus, a hub node has a high Degree Centrality value relative to both types of nodes rather than relative only to its own type.

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  1. Tel Aviv university, Tel Aviv, Israel

    Elitzur Dattner, Dorit Ravid & Ronit Levie

  2. Hadassa Academic College, Jerusalem, Israel

    Orit Ashkenazi

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Dattner, E., Ashkenazi, O., Ravid, D. et al. Explaining dynamic morphological patterns in acquisition using Network Analysis. Morphology 33, 511–556 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-022-09394-0

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