Abstract
Background
When parents in the United States choose to send their children to religious schools or to home school, they are often motivated, at least in part, by a desire to transmit religious beliefs to their children. These religious beliefs may in some cases promote traditional gender roles that are built into religious tenets, practices, and subcultural identities.
Purpose
With this in mind, we examine whether religious schools act as distinct sites of religious gender socialization by considering the following questions: (1) do Americans who attend religious high schools and homeschools hold more conservative gender-role beliefs later in life compared to their public school peers? and (2) does attending a religious school have a differential effect on gender beliefs for men or women?
Methods
We use data from the Cardus Education Study—the largest nationally representative survey that includes religious high school and home school graduates as well as measures of religiosity—and logistic regression to explore the gender-role beliefs of 24–39 year olds who graduated from conservative Protestant, Catholic, public, and home schools.
Results
Graduates of the different religious school sectors we examined varied in their tendencies to hold more traditional gender-role beliefs. Specifically, we find that graduates of conservative Protestant schools and home schools held more conservative gender-role beliefs than graduates of other sectors. In contrast, Catholic school graduates—particularly female graduates—held more egalitarian beliefs compared to the other sectors.
Conclusions and Implications
In light of these findings, we discuss potential mechanisms within school environments that may contribute to the enactment of gender and religion. We extend empirical and theoretical knowledge about gender socialization, an area of critical importance given its ability to influence people’s aspirations, choices, and life outcomes as well as social norms and policies.
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Notes
Over the last several decades, homeschooling has grown from a small, highly alternative form of non-public education to a relatively more common practice (e.g., Lines 1999; Stevens 2001; Ray 2012; Wang et al. 2019). As Stevens (2001) summarized: “U.S. Department of Education policy analyst Patricia Lines estimated that as many as one million American children were homeschools in the 1997–1998 academic year, up from an estimated three hundred thousand in 1988 and fifteen thousand in the early 1970s” (18, referencing Lines 1999). These numbers have continued to climb in the U.S. as evidenced in a 2019 report by the U.S. Department of Education’s National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES) which found that: “the number of homeschooled students in 2016 (1.7 million) was almost double the number in 1999 (0.9 million)” (Wang et al. 2019: 12). 1.7 million students is approximately 3.3% of the students in the U.S. between the ages of 5–17 (Wang et al. 2019: 32). According to the NCES: “5.4 percent of students were reported to be homeschooled in 2020–2021” (NCES 2022: 6).
These statements were: (1) “If a husband and wife disagree about something important, the wife should give in to her husband”, (2) “It is better if the man earns the main living and the woman takes care of the home and family”, and (3) “The husband is responsible for the spiritual direction of the family” (Corner 2012: 18).
While measures of parental education are the only available indicator of respondents’ socioeconomic status in high school, this limitation in the CES dataset is offset by its nationally representative sample of graduates of different school sectors and the multiple measures of religiosity of respondents and their families during high school. These religious controls are central in the attempt to isolate a school influence from a family influence.
Ideally, we would have included mother’s work status during high school in the model as well, but this information was not available in the CES dataset.
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Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Christian Smith, David Sikkink, Karen Hooge Michalka, and Abigail Jorgensen for their comments on earlier versions of this paper. We would also like to thank Cardus and the University of Notre Dame’s Center for the Study of Religion and Society for access to data used in this paper. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the American Sociological Association’s 2021 meeting.
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Funding was provided by the Global Religion Research Initiative.
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Corner, S., Dallavis, J.W. Religious Schools, Home Schools, and Gender-Role Beliefs in Adulthood. Rev Relig Res 64, 739–769 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s13644-022-00514-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s13644-022-00514-0