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The Dialectics of Nationalism: Jaromír Weinberger's Schwanda the Bagpiper and Anti-Semitism in Interwar Europe
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 February 2023
Abstract
This article examines the conception and subsequent reception of Jaromír Weinberger's 1927 opera Schwanda the Bagpiper in the context of various expressions of nationalism, anti-Semitism and Jewish identity politics throughout the interwar period. It takes into consideration the many historical, political and musical junctures before and during the opera's trajectory. While remaining rooted in nineteenth-century Czech nationalism, Weinberger sought to blend a plurality of cultural expressions, thus responding to the transitory state of nationalism during the interwar period. This is evident in the dialectics of the work – including its music, its libretto by Miloš Kareš and the first production. In this way, Schwanda and its divergent reception represents young Czechoslovakia's liminalities in relation to nationalism and the complexities of the new multi-ethnic state, especially with regard to its minorities. The article thus offers insights into the phenomenon of nationalism, which at the time of the opera's conception was inescapably co-constructed with anti-Semitism, and demonstrates Schwanda's importance as part of larger histories of European music and opera.
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References
1 The opera exists in two versions, the original Czech and a reworked German/Czech version. For the sake of clarity and when the distinction is needed, I refer to the first version as Švanda dudák and the second version in German translation as Schwanda, der Dudelsackpfeifer. Otherwise the translated title is used.
2 Erich Kleiber, who directed the Berlin premiere of Schwanda in 1929, suggested combining the polka from Act I with the fugue from Act II as a concert piece for orchestra. Weinberger had already written a similar piece in 1924, a prelude and fugue in G major for piano (also arranged for orchestra) on the same polka tune. Post-war performances of the full opera were sporadic. The first documented one took place in Heidelberg in 1951 (see Ulrich Seelmann-Eggebert, ‘Rendezvous mit “Schwanda”: Neuinszenierung in Heidelberg’, Der Mittag [8 March 1951]), followed by Basel in 1955 (see ‘Schwanda, der böhmische Orpheus’, Theater-Zeitung des Stadttheaters Basel [1955]) and Oberhausen in 1957 (see ‘“Schwanda der Dudelsackpfeifer”: Die erste Nachkriegsinszenierung sehr erfolgreich’, Ruhr-Nachrichten [22 February 1957]).
3 See, for example, Volker Blech, ‘Der Teufel schießt um sich’, Berliner Morgenpost (6 March 2022).
4 See Locke, Brian S., Opera and Ideology in Prague (Rochester, NY, 2006)Google Scholar.
5 For details of the contemporary debates, see Locke, Opera and Ideology, 150ff.
6 See Mendelsohn, Ezra, The Jews of East Central Europe between the World Wars (Bloomington, 1983)Google Scholar, 5 and 131. Hillel J. Kieval aptly analyses the ambivalent relationship between Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk, the first president of Czechoslovakia, and Czech Jewry; see Languages of Community: The Jewish Experience in the Czech Lands (Berkeley, 2000), 198ff.
7 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 135.
8 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 135.
9 Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 136.
10 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 1.
11 See Orzoff, Andrea, Battle for the Castle: The Myth of Czechoslovakia in Europe 1914–1948 (New York, 2009), 11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 See Kamusella, Tomasz, The Politics of Language and Nationalism in Modern Central Europe (Basingstoke, 2009), 722CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
13 For a discussion of this connection with views on European nation states in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Massing, Paul W., Rehearsal for Destruction: A Study of Political Anti-Semitism in Imperial Germany (New York, 1949)Google Scholar; Arendt, Hannah, Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1951)Google Scholar; and Claussen, Detlev, Grenzen der Aufklärung: Die gesellschaftliche Genese des modernen Antisemitismus (Frankfurt, 1994)Google Scholar.
14 Czech culture was considered by many to be lower-class and peasant-like; see Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 133.
15 Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 138.
16 Kieval, Languages of Community, 199–200.
17 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 138.
18 See Kieval, Languages of Community, 200.
19 On the complexity of nationalism and schooling in the rural areas of Bohemia, see Zahra, Tara, Kidnapped Souls: National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900–1948 (Ithaca, 2008), 13–48Google Scholar. For details on Weinberger's first composition, see ‘Allerhöchste Auszeichnung’, Dr. Bloch's oesterreichische Wochenschrift 24/26 (1907), 434. Weinberger mastered German to perfection and used it throughout his life: see his articles ‘Tschechische Musik’, Musikalischer Kurier 1/1 (1919), 10–11; and ‘Zur Komposition von Volksliedtexten’, Österreichische Musikzeitschrift 17/5 (1962), 231–3.
20 Judson, Pieter M., The Habsburg Empire: A New History (Cambridge, MA, 2016), 206Google Scholar.
21 For a review of the overture and Weinberger's piano sonata, see V.P., ‘Musik’, Prager Tageblatt (6 July 1913). For the piano sonata, see also ‘Divadlo a hudba’, Čech (20 January 1915).
22 According to Hand Heinsheimer, ‘[e]ver since the day of Jenůfa, whatever Brod said about a new opera deserved careful attention: it carried the weight of a fifty-thousand-dollar success with it’. Menagerie in F-sharp (Garden City, 1947), 169.
23 ‘Man wird geradezu rot vor Aufregung, wenn man es hört! Man schämt sich förmlich. Der ganz junge Komponist Jaromír Weinberger in Prag fecit. Man spielt's in knapp einer halben Stunde herunter, hat es unzählige Male gespielt, das entdeckungsfrohe Stadttheater in Prag-Weinberge (tschechisch) macht sogar ausgezeichnete Kassa dabei, – und ich kann nur allen Musikverlegern und Theaterdirektoren anempfehlen, einen Wettlauf nach diesem zierlichen Opus anzutreten; sie werden mir dankbar sein.’ Brod, Max, ‘Der Komponist Jaromír Weinberger’, Die Aktion 6/39–40 (1916), col. 551–2Google Scholar. For an anonymous review, see also Dělnické listy (6 November 1916).
24 ‘Stehen die Tschechen einer so eindeutigen jüdischen Erscheinung, wie es Mahler ist, verständnislos gegenüber, so kann es einen nicht Wunder nehmen …, daß weder unsere politische noch unsere kulturelle noch unsere soziale Stellung den Tschechen klar wird. Der gute Wille scheint zu fehlen. Ein kleines Beispiel: der junge Komponist Jaromír Weinberger ließ im vergangenen Winter seine Symphonie ‘Don Quixote’ in der Tschechischen Philharmonie aufführen, ein Werk …, das Ernst und ungewöhnliche Begabung zeigt … Was geschah? Nahezu einmütig fiel die tschechische Presse über das Opus dieses tschechischen Juden her, der sich noch heute durchaus als Tscheche fühlt. Gegen abfällige Kritiken wäre nun natürlich nichts einzuwenden. Auch dagegen nichts, daß die Tschechen das Eindringen assimilierter Juden nicht wünschen. Daß aber viele Kritiker von dem stillschweigend als selbstverständlich angenommenen Satz ausgingen: “Weinberger ist Jude, daher kann er keine schöpferische Begabung sein” – das ist das Ernste, das Furchtbarste an dieser Sache.’ Brod, Max, ‘Die Tschechen und der jüdische Künstler’, Selbstwehr (19 July 1918)Google Scholar.
25 See Gaëlle Vassogne, Max Brod in Prag: Identität und Vermittlung (Tübingen, 2009), 202.
26 Kamusella, The Politics of Language, 714.
27 Kieval, Languages of Community, 210.
28 In parallel to pursuing plans for an opera, Weinberger wrote incidental music for Czech productions of Charles van Lerberghe's Pan (1919), William Shakespeare's The Tempest (1920), Ján Bartoš's Krkavci (Ravens, 1920), Euripides's Medea (1921), Sophocles's Ichneutae (1921), Arnošt Dvořák's Husité (1922) and Bílá hora (1924), Christopher Marlowe's Edward II (1922) and Ladislav Klíma's and Arnošt Dvořák's Matěj Poctivý (Matthew the Honest, 1924). See Benetková, Vlasta, ‘Aktualisierte Dramatik im Theater der Zwischenkriegszeit: Ein modisches Schema oder ein schöpferischer Beitrag?’, Kontexte: Musica Judaica (1996), 125Google Scholar. For a full list see Soupis repertoáru Národního divadla v Praze, 1881–1983 [Repertory List of the National Theatre in Prague, 1881–1983], ed. Hana Konečná (Prague, 1983), II: 11–44. Most of the scores are lost.
29 On the genesis of the libretto see Káreš, Miloš, ‘Názor libretistův o zpěvohře Švanda dudák’, Národní divadlo 20/12 (1933), 2–3Google Scholar.
30 See Kieval, Languages of Community, 210. See also Tatjana Liechtenstein, Zionists in Interwar Czechoslovakia: Minority Nationalism and the Politics (Bloomington, 2016), 75–85; and Konrád, Ota, ‘Two Post-War Paths: Popular Violence in the Bohemian Lands and in Austria in the Aftermath of World War I’, Nationalities Papers: The Journal of Nationalism and Ethnicity 46/5 (2018), 759–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
31 See Kateřina Čapková, Czechs, Germans, Jews? National Identity and the Jews of Bohemia (New York, 2012), 181–2.
32 Kieval, Languages of Community, 211.
33 The manuscript can be found in the Archive of Jaromír Weinberger, Series A: Music Manuscripts, no. 20, MUS 0169 A 20, The National Library of Israel – Music Library, Jerusalem.
34 For a reference, see Julius Wolfsohn, ‘Festkonzert des B.J.F. [Bund jüdischer Frontsoldaten]’, Die Stimme 9/562 (1936), 7. The score was published by Štorch-Marien in 1936. Wolfsohn also mentioned Haggadah songs, which must be deemed lost.
35 The Prager Tagblatt announced the appointment as early as May that year; see ‘Ein tschechischer Komponist nach Amerika’, Prager Tagblatt (30 May 1922).
36 See Richard D. E. Burton, Prague: A Cultural and Literary History (Oxford, 2003), 71; and Martin Wein, History of the Jews in the Bohemian Lands (Leiden, 2015), 85. See also Nancy Wingfield, Flag Wars and Stone Saints: How the Bohemian Lands Became Czech (Cambridge, MA, 2007), 161–3.
37 The source for this episode is an unsigned article in the journal Smetana 9/5–6 (1919), 87. For further details and the context of the attack, see Locke, Opera and Ideology, 375n65. Der Tag alludes to Weinberger being driven out of Czechoslovakia because of this episode; see ‘Konzerte’, Der Tag (28 December 1922). Write-ups in the Neues Wien Journal, Der Tag (Vienna) and Wiener Tageblatt of 1922 unequivocally identify Weinberger as Czech composer.
38 In a clear parallel to Antonín Dvořák, he began to look for a national expression in American music, as he states in an interview with the Cornell Daily (26 September 1922). Similar to Dvořák, Weinberger was eager to understand American culture, which he was to admire for years to come. However, while Dvořák developed a particular fascination for American traditional music, spirituals and gospel, and Native American music, Weinberger was instead drawn to nineteenth- and twentieth-century history and culture. Testimonies of Dvořák's relationship to American music include his ninth symphony, Z Nového světa (From the New World) of 1892, and the cantata Americký prapor (The American Flag) of 1893. Weinberger's American-inspired works include Lidé z Pokerflatu (The Outcasts of Poker Flat) of 1932, the Lincoln Symphony for orchestra and organ (1941) and Saratoga (1941), among others.
39 Káreš, ‘Názor libretistův o zpěvohře Švanda dudák’, 2.
40 See Jan Smaczny, ‘Grand Opera among the Czechs’, in The Cambridge Companion to Grand Opera, ed. David Charlton (Cambridge, 2003), 366–82.
41 For examples, see John Tyrrell, Czech Opera (Cambridge, 1988), 35, 48, 82, 87, 115 and 172.
42 Michael Beckerman and Jim Samson, ‘Eastern Europe, 1918–45’, in Modern Times from World War I to the Present, ed. Robert P. Morgan (Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1993), 133.
43 The dedication is to playwright, theatre director and translator Arnošt Dvořák (1881–1933), for whose plays Weinberger had previously written incidental music: ‘The words of Miloš Kareš to Arnošt Dvořák, with heartfelt admiration for his congenial dramatic work, 22 March 1927.’
44 Quis's ballad can be found at http://web.quick.cz/v_hrdlicka/obsah/histori/vych_cv.htm (accessed 21 March 2022).
45 Káreš, ‘Názor libretistův o zpěvohře Švanda dudák’, 2–3.
46 See Tyrrell, Czech Opera, 163.
47 Although bagpipe imitations have been common in European art music for centuries, John Tyrrell proposes that the instances in Czech opera are different from bagpipe references in non-Czech music: from Smetana onwards, the Czech operatic bagpiper follows in the footsteps of folk legend and literary history that gives him a unique character; see John Tyrrell, ‘Švanda and his Successors: The Bagpiper and his Music in Czech Opera’, unpublished manuscript (Nottingham, n.d.), 9. The distinctive character of bagpipes in the Czech realm is also apparent in the bagpipes’ organology: unlike the Western European instrument, the Eastern European bagpipe has cylindrical pipes with double reeds and is usually blown entirely by an arm bellow, thus making it a culturally distinct instrument. The Czech bagpipe plays a regular diatonic scale and is smaller and softer than bagpipes of other European cultures; see Bernard Garaj, Gajdy a gajdošská tradícia na Slovensku [Bagpipe and Bagpiper's Tradition in Slovakia] (Bratislava, 1995).
48 See Charles Burney, A General History of Music: From the Earliest Ages to the Present Period (London, 1776–89), IV: 587–616.
49 The character of Švanda is the protagonist of several other Czech stage works, all titled after him, from Karel Bendl's cantata (1880, rewritten as a ballet-opera in 1895–6 and produced at the Národní divadlo in Prague in 1907) to Dalibor Vačkář's ballet (1956). Weinberger's teacher Jaroslav Křička, among others, composed incidental music to a play on Švanda. In all these works the presence of the bagpiper is naturally dictated by the choice of the subject. For a comprehensive list of the Švanda subject in opera, see Tyrrell, ‘Švanda and his Successors’. The bagpiper figure appeared in a number of Czech operas: Tajemství (The Secret, 1878) by Bedřich Smetana, Král a uhlíř (King and Charcoal Burner, 1871–87) and Čert a Káča (The Devil and Kate, 1899) by Antonín Dvořák, Švanda dudák by Vojtěch Hřímalý (1885/1896), Psohlavci (The Dogheads, 1898) by Karel Kovařovic, Černé jezero (The Black Lake, 1902) by Josef Richard Rozkošný, and Osud (Fate, 1903–7) and Výlety páně Broučkovy (The Excursion of Mr Brouček, 1908–17) by Leoš Janáček. In some cases, the character can be traced back to the literary source on which the opera is based; in others it has been newly introduced by the librettist, including Janáček, who wrote his own librettos. Apart from Řehůřek in Psohlavci, the bagpiper plays no essential part in the plots of these operas, appearing merely as an incidental character included for local colour and added Czechness.
50 Janošík's nationality is a matter of conjecture: although he was probably a Slovak, he is the national hero of both the Polish Uplands and Slovakia; see Denice Szafran Liscomb, Janosik, The Robber Chieftain: A Story of the Tatra Mountaineers (New York, 2000).
51 The link between Janošík and Švanda is magic connected to music. Shortly before Janošík was to be executed, a musician played for him, to lend support for his very last dance. When the dance reached its finale, Janošík leaped into the air, flew away, and escaped execution. Švanda had a regular bagpipe which he could play miraculously, breaking spells and chasing away evil. His final wish before execution was to play the bagpipe one last time. His music at once compelled the sorcerers, headsmen, soldiers, members of the court and guards to dance. While playing, Švanda slipped away to the city gate and finally escaped.
52 See Milan Kuna and Stanislava Vomáčková, Dvořák: Slavonic Rhapsodies, CD booklet (Prague: Supraphon, 1989).
53 On Kocourkov, see Tristan Willems, ‘Jaromír Weinberger: Zwischen den Tasten gefallen’, Czech Music Quarterly 4 (2014), 29–35.
54 As the score of the first version could not be located, the analysis is based on the piano score, second version, published in German and Czech by Universal Edition (Vienna, 1928).
55 See Garaj, Gajdy a gajdošská tradícia na Slovensku.
56 See Tyrrell, ‘Švanda and his Successors’, 7–8.
57 See John Tyrrell, ‘Sousedská’, Grove Music Online 2001, https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.43853 (accessed 21 March 2022).
58 See Gracian Černušák, Andrew Lamb and John Tyrrell, ‘Polka’, Grove Music Online 2001, https://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.22020 (accessed 21 March 2022).
59 See Tyrrell, Czech Opera, 119, 226–32, 238.
60 Short chromatic passages are a key element of the opera starting with the overture (bb. 269–72) and are present in nearly every number, e.g., Act I scene 1, bb. 601–2, 610 etc.
61 See Eva Kröschlová, ‘Tschechische Republik, Tanz, Volkstanz’, MGG Online, https://www.mgg-online.com/mgg/stable/46069 (accessed 21 March 2022).
62 See Tyrrell, ‘Sousedská’.
63 Examples of the use of the furiant are Slovanské tance op. 46 nos. 1 and 8; both use wild furiants with syncopated rhythms and a constant alternation between major and minor. Dvořák opens the Slovanské tance op. 72 with an odzemok. In his symphony no. 6 he uses the furiant at the opening of the third movement, Scherzo. It had never before been utilised in a symphony.
64 Like the polka, the polonaise begins with rather conventional harmonies that gradually change, beginning at bar 1512. Weinberger again breaks out of the B major key, introducing chromaticism and extended tonality while maintaining the basic rhythmic patterns of the polonaise.
65 On the history of the Národní divadlo, see Tyrrell, Czech Opera, 38–52.
66 Tyrrell, Czech Opera, 39.
67 See Soupis repertoáru, II: 63.
68 The cast consisted of Václav Novák as Švanda, Emil Pollert as Čert (Devil) and Ada Nordenová as Královna (Queen) – the latter two also performed in the Národní divadlo's production of Prodaná nevěsta. Theodor Schütz sang the role of Babinský and Nada Kejřová that of Dorotka. For the full cast see Alois Hába, ‘Švanda dudák’, Československá republika (29 April 1927).
69 See Locke, Opera and Ideology, 209–10. Other scholars refer only to Schwanda's tremendous success; see Erik Entwistle, ‘The Turkey Takes Wing: Weinberger's Schwanda and the Aesthetic of Folk Opera’, Opera Quarterly 12 (1995), 35–46; Jaromír Paclt and Vladimír Zvara, ‘Jaromír Weinberger’, in Pipers Enzyklopädie des Musiktheaters, ed. Carl Dahlhaus (Munich, 1996), VI: 724–5.
70 Locke, Opera and Ideology, 210.
71 On the ‘Wozzeck Affair’, see Locke, Opera and Ideology, 200–6.
72 Weinberger obviously realised how far apart their works were. Many years later, in 1939, he describes Berg as ‘the genius of destruction, of disintegration, of fall’, while he defines himself as a composer of the past. According to Weinberger, their works developed in parallel; see Jaromír Weinberger, ‘When Parallels Meet: A Conflict of Composers’, Musical America 10 (February 1939), 23.
73 His presumed conversion to Catholicism cannot be ascertained to date. According to his niece, Weinberger converted at some time during his adulthood, while still living in Prague; Jarmila Maranova in discussion with the author, New York (22 April 2002).
74 Jírak lists many works that Weinberger had supposedly copied, including Smetana's Prodaná nevěsta, Libuše, Dalibor and Má vlast; and Dvořák's Čert a Káča, Slavonic dances and especially Rusalka – but without pointing to specific passages; see Karel Boleslav Jírak, ‘“Vojcek” na ruby’, Národni osvobození (29 April 1927).
75 ‘A přec nelze nazvati jeho práci jen epigonskou.’ Rudolf Jeníček, ‘Hudba’, Právo lidu (29 April 1927).
76 For a recent discussion of Herder's concept of nation and nationalism, see Godfried van Benthem van den Bergh, ‘Herder and the Idea of a Nation’, Human Figurations 7/1 (2018), http://hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.11217607.0007.103 (accessed 21 March 2022).
77 Polytonality and bitonality can be found in the arias that frame Babinský's ballad (for polytonality, see Act I scene 1, bb. 84–107 and 554–69; for bitonality juxtaposing C major and D major, see bb. 344–411). Extended harmonic progressions are evident in all passages involving Babinský. Weinberger uses polytonality to depict Babinský's polyvalence as a shady character and, in his duets with Švanda, to feature their divergent character traits. For the sake of dramaturgy, Weinberger goes even further: in the scene in hell (Act II scene 1) he employs polytonality and atonality, featuring dissonant sections and heightened use of chromaticism; the male chorus is instructed to sing with squeaky voices using imprecise intonation (Act II scene 1, b. 310). Complex and versatile harmonic progressions are also prominent in many of the instrumental sections, such as the entr'acte music of Act I (beginning in bar 870) and Act I scene 3 (Švanda's execution), where chromaticism and dissonance serve the dramaturgy, specifically to create contrast.
78 In his article ‘When Parallels Meet’, 23, Weinberger comments on plagiarism in music, describing imitation artists as ‘the most dangerous enemies of their models’, and distancing himself from epigonism.
79 See Hába, ‘Švanda dudák’.
80 ‘Nejsme antisemiti. Ani se jimi nestaneme, dokud budeme tvořivě potentními. Weinberger je u nás snad prvním vážným typem čechožidovského umělce. Budeme mu měřiti tak, jako měříme sobě. Umělecké rovnoprávnosti dobude si jen tím, bude-li se se stejnou poctivostí snažiti o tvorbu hodnot nových, tak jak se snaži jiní naši umělci. Nestojíme o režisérskou poklonu naší kultuře a budeme důsledně už v zárodku potírati neproduktivní podkuřování, jak je to v bajce o “vráně a lišce”.’ Hába, ‘Švanda dudák’.
81 For definitions of what constituted a Czech national composer, see Jiří Kopecký, ‘1892: The International Success of Smetana's The Bartered Bride’ [transl. David R. Beveridge], in Czech Music around 1900, ed. Lenka Křupková, Jiří Kopecký, et al. (Hillsdale, 2017), 50–1.
82 See Zdeněk Nejedlý, ‘Jaromír Weinberger: Švanda dudák’, Rudé parvo (1 May 1927).
83 See Locke, Opera and Ideology, 209.
84 See Nejedlý, ‘Jaromír Weinberger: Švanda dudák’.
85 Melodies and rhythms with an indisputable folk character also influence the Švanda motif, a rustic folk-like melody with dotted rhythms, evocative of peasant music. It is first sung by Dorotka in Act I bar 175 (‘Což mého Švandu neznáte?’ [You've never heard of Švanda?]). This motif is used again in bar 250 for the first appearance of Švanda on the set. None of the reviewers, however, commented on it.
86 Josef Hutter, ‘Divadla a konzerty: Národni divadlo v Praze’, Hudební rozhledy 3/8 (1927), 134–5.
87 See Locke, Opera and Ideology, 209.
88 See Jaromír Borecký, ‘Divadlo a hudba’, Národní politika (29 April 1927).
89 See Locke, Opera and Ideology.
90 Christopher Campo-Bowen, ‘Bohemian Rhapsodist: Antonín Dvořák's Píseň bohatýrská and the Historiography of Czech Music’, 19th-Century Music 40/2 (2016), 181.
91 For a discussion about neoclassicism as a dialectic between two historical moments, see Katharina Clausius, ‘Historical Mirroring, Mirroring History: An Aesthetics of Collaboration in Pulcinella’, The Journal of Musicology 30/2 (2013), 215–51.
92 Karin Stoegner and Johannes Hoepoltseder, ‘Nationalism and Antisemitism in the Postnational Constellation: Thoughts on Horkheimer, Adorno, and Habermas’, in Global Antisemitism: A Crisis of Modernity, ed. Charles Asher Small (Leiden, 2013), 119.
93 For the letter of complaint by Ignaz Moscheles, see David Conway, Jewry in Music: Entry to the Profession from the Enlightenment to Richard Wagner (Cambridge, 2012), 303n33. For a detailed discussion of the two written iterations of Wagner's anti-Semitism, see Annkatrin Dahm, Der Topos der Juden: Studien zur Geschichte des Antisemitismus im deutschsprachigen Musikschrifttum, Jüdische Religion, Geschichte und Kultur 7 (Göttingen, 2007), 143–52.
94 See Kelly St. Pierre, Bedřich Smetana: Myth, Music, and Propaganda, Eastman Studies in Music (Rochester, 2017), 57 and 62.
95 See Boleslav Vomáčka, ‘Z pražské opery’, Lidové noviny (29 April 1927); Otakar Šourek, ‘Z hudebniho života’, Venkov (29 April 1927).
96 Anon., ‘Prag’, Neue Zeitschrift für Musik 94/7−8 (1927), 472.
97 See V.L., ‘Prager Opera’, Neues Wiener Journal (3 May 1927).
98 For one example of many, see anon., Signale für die musikalische Welt 85/36 (1927), 1247.
99 Max Brod, ‘Der Dudelsackpfeifer (Švanda dudák)’, Prager Abendzeitung (29 April 1927).
100 Christopher Campo-Bowen, ‘An Operatic Locarno: The Paris Premiere of Smetana's The Bartered Bride and Czechoslovak-French Cultural Diplomacy’, Cambridge Opera Journal 28/3 (2016), 301.
101 Heinsheimer, Menagerie, 168.
102 Heinsheimer, Menagerie, 171.
103 Heinsheimer, Menagerie, 174. In 1926 Weinberger had submitted the score to Universal Edition in Vienna, a publishing house with which he had had a standing since 1924 (see ‘Jaromír Weinberger in der Universal Edition’, Prager Tagblatt [1 June 1924]). For an anecdotal account of the initial rejection of Švanda dudák, see Heinsheimer, Menagerie, 165–7.
104 While the original Czech version consists of three acts with a prologue and an epilogue, the German version condenses the action to two acts and five scenes. Two scenes were added to replace the prologue, in Tyl's manner, and the epilogue.
105 See ‘Schwanda der Dudelsackpfeifer’, Prager Tagblatt (20 October 1928).
106 See Neues Wiener Journal (28 August 1928); and Die Stunde (31 August 1928).
107 See Hff., ‘Jaromir Weinberger: “Schwanda der Dudelsackpfeifer”’, Neues Wiener Journal (19 December 1928); and Paul Stefan, Schwanda der Dudelsackpfeifer’, Die Stunde (20 December 1928); Paul Stefan, ‘Vom Dudelsackpfeifer Schwanda’, Die Bühne 217 (1929), 26. For critical reviews, see Erich Freund, ‘Breslau’, Musik (1 February 1929), 376–7.
108 Although scarcely known outside Germany today, Clemens von Franckenstein was an influential conductor and composer, who was key in presenting the first performances of operas by Ernst Korngold, Hans Pfitzner, Walter Braunfels and Walter Courvoisier at the turn of the twentieth century. For a detailed biography see Andrew McCredie, Clemens von Franckenstein (Tutzing, 1992).
109 Shortly thereafter, Knappertsbusch commissioned another opera from Weinberger, Milovaný hlas (The Beloved Voice, 1930), a romantic drama set in a Yugoslav village. Neither this nor Weinberger's later operas and operettas, however, would have the same impact as Schwanda. Later stage works by Weinberger include the operas Lidé z Pokerflatu (The Outcasts of Poker Flat, 1932) and Valdštejn (1937), as well as the operettas Jarní bouře (Heavy Weather, 1933), Na růžích ustláno (A Bed of Roses, 1933), Apropó, co dělá Andula? (By the Way, What is Andula Doing?, 1934) and Císař pán na třešních (The Emperor and Lord of Cherries, 1936).
110 See Ferdinand Keyfel, ‘Musiker- und Musikantenblut (Ein Opernbrief aus München)’, Signale für die musikalische Welt 87/16 (1929), 524; Siegfried Berberich, ‘Uraufführung in München’, Tages-Post (Linz) (28 March 1929).
111 See Signale für die musikalische Welt 87/20 (1929), 5; Signale für die musikalische Welt 87/24 (1929), 15; Signale für die musikalische Welt 87/42 (1929), 1276; Signale für die musikalische Welt 87/44 (1929), 1344; and Signale für die musikalische Welt 87/49 (1929), 1498. Numerous other newspapers and magazines attest to the performances; see for example the Grazer Tagblatt (5 June 1929); Neue Zeitschrift für Musik 96/8 (1929), 508; and Gustav Struck, ‘Kassel’, Neue Zeitschrift für Musik 96/11 (1929), 736. For a critical review of the Berlin performance, see ‘Das Musikleben der Gegenwart’, Musik 5/1 (1930), 293.
112 For the announcement and a photo, see Die Bühne 238 (1929), 14. For further details, see Jitka Ludvová, Až k hořkému konci: Pražské německé divadlo 1845–1945 [To the Bitter End: Prague German Theatre 1845–1945] (Prague, 2012), 488–92.
113 For a review see E.St., ‘Prager Tagebuch’, Der Auftakt: Musikblätter für die Tschechoslowakische Republik 9/4 (1929), 118–19.
114 See Ludvová, Až k hořkému konci, 488; for a review, see ‘Schwanda der Dudelsackpfeifer’, Neues Wiener Journal (20 April 1929).
115 See Ludvová, Až k hořkému konci, 486 and 488.
116 See ‘Von Anton Dvorak bis Jaromir Weinberger: Der tschechische Opernzyklus im Stadttheater’, Neues Wiener Journal (27 April 1929).
117 See ‘Weinbergers “Schwanda der Dudelsackpfeifer” in der Wiener Staatsoper’, Der Tag (4 May 1929).
118 For a review, see ‘Opernpremiere in Pressburg’, Neues Wiener Journal (18 September 1929).
119 See Neue Freie Presse (26 November 1929).
120 See the announcement in Radio Wien (8 November 1929).
121 See the programme of the Neues Stadttheaters Teplitz-Schönau (15 December 1929), Walter A. Berendsohn-Forschungsstelle für deutsche Exilliteratur, Hamburg, sign. PWJ I 1459-3.
122 For performance venues, see also Kushner, David, ‘Jaromír Weinberger (1896–1967): From Bohemia to America’, American Music 6/3 (1988), 297CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
123 Alfred Einstein, ‘Opera in Germany: Native and Foreign Works of Modern Composers Heard in Berlin’, New York Times (5 January 1930).
124 Olin Downes, ‘Schwanda Hailed as Opera Novelty’, New York Times (8 November 1931).
125 Downes, ‘Schwanda Hailed as Opera Novelty’.
126 A list of performances can be found in Kushner, ‘From Bohemia to America’, 297; and Paclt and Zvara, ‘Jaromír Weinberger’, 725. Theatres from Buenos Aires (Teatro Colón in October 1940) to Tokyo showed a strong interest in performing Schwanda. Káreš claimed that the German libretto was translated into more than seventeen languages, including Serbo-Croatian, Polish, French, English, Danish, Swedish and Hungarian; see Káreš, Názor libretistův o zpěvohře Švanda dudák, 3.
127 H. Howard Taubman, ‘Weinberger Seeks Time to Compose’, New York Times (29 January 1939).
128 Campo-Bowen, ‘An Operatic Locarno’, 303.
129 Altmann, Wilhelm, ‘Von deutschen Opernspielplan’, Die Musik 26/1 (1933), 42Google Scholar.
130 Altmann, Wilhelm, ‘Kritische Opernstatistik’, Die Musik 26/12 (1934), 907Google Scholar.
131 See Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, 5.
132 In the Münchner Neue Nachrichten (28 March 1930), Weinberger, not revealing his Jewish heritage and emphasising his Czech identity, blamed Czech critics for their anti-German stance; see also Neue Zeitschrift für Musik (May 1930), 404. Later that year Munich cancelled the production of Weinberger's Milovaný hlas due to the anti-German actions in Prague; see Musik (1 November 1930), 156.
133 See Central-Verein-Zeitung 16/12 (1937), [8].
134 See Hans Brückner and Christa Maria Rock, Judentum und Musik; mit einem ABC jüdischer und nichtarischer Musikbeflissener, 3rd edn (Munich, 1938), 290 (Weinberger is not listed in the first edition of 1935); and Theophil Stengel and Herbert Gerigk, Lexikon der Juden in der Musik; mit einem Titelverzeichnis jüdischer Werke, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts der NSDAP zur Erforschung der Judenfrage (Berlin, 1940), cols. 288 and 369.
135 See Der Israelit 75/47 (1934), 11; and Der Israelit 77/45 (1936), 13.
136 Singer, Kurt, ‘Vom Werden einer Oper’, Pult und Bühne: Ein Almanach (Berlin, 1938), 15Google Scholar.
137 See Sacks, Adam J., ‘Kurt Singer's Shattered Hopes’, The Leo Baeck Institute Year Book 48/1 (2003), 191–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
138 Brustein, William I. and King, Ryan D., ‘Anti-Semitism in Europe Before the Holocaust’, International Political Science Review/Revue internationale de science politique 25/1 (2004), 35–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
139 See Liechtenstein, Zionists in Interwar Czechoslovakia, 85. Anti-Semitic tendencies in music criticism can be observed as early as 1925, with Jaroslav Tomášek's attacks against Arnold Schoenberg being one example; see Locke, Opera and Ideology, 199–200.
140 Riff, Michael A., ‘Czech Antisemitism and the Jewish Response before 1914’, Wiener Library Bulletin 29 (1976), 19Google Scholar.
141 See Beck, Ulrich, ‘Toward a New Critical Theory with a Cosmopolitan Intent’, Constellations 10/4 (2003), 462CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
142 See Stoegner and Hoepoltseder, ‘Nationalism and Antisemitism’, 126.
143 Stoegner and Hoepoltseder, ‘Nationalism and Antisemitism’, 127.