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Policing, Labor Market, and Crime in Japan: Evidence from Prefectural Panel Data

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Abstract

The study analyzed long-term changes in Japanese crime rates and their relationship with policing and labor market conditions, focusing on the increase in crime rates around 2000. The study used yearly prefectural panel data from 1978 to 2018 and estimated econometric models to explore the factors related to the crime rate. Fixed effects models were used to control for unobservable heterogeneity across prefectures. We addressed the endogeneity problem in the number of police officers with the instrumental variable approach, employing the number of traffic fatalities and the number of firefighters as instruments. Instrumental variable estimation revealed that increasing the number of police officers reduced the crime rate. We also confirmed that crime decreased when the labor market was tight and that increasing minimum wages reduced crime. The model’s variables largely explain crime rate declines since 2002 but do not account for increased crime up to 2002. Policing and labor market conditions do matter in crime rates. In Japan, the number of local police officers increased against the explosion of crime around 2000. Such policing significantly reduced crime after 2002. At the same time, increasing job opportunities and income from legal work also contributed to the decline. In contrast, crime expansion until 2002 was not attributed to the model’s variables, so we need further research.

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Fig. 1

Source: National Police Agency (2019)

Fig. 2

Source: National Police Agency (2019)

Fig. 3

Source: National Police Agency (2019)

Fig. 4

Source: System of Social and Demographic Statistics, the Statistics Bureau of Japan, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications

Fig. 5

Source: System of Social and Demographic Statistics, the Statistics Bureau of Japan, Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications

Fig. 6

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Notes

  1. Usually, international comparisons of crime statistics are difficult because the definition and scope of crime vary among countries. Therefore, researchers sometimes use the homicide rate as a proxy for countries’ public safety levels. Data on the homicide rate are considered to be relatively reliable because serious crimes such as homicides are well reported to the police (Archer & Gartner, 1984). In 2018, Japan’s homicide rate was 0.26, whereas it was 4.95, 1.20, and 0.95 in the USA, France, and Germany, respectively. This would partly explain why Japan is considered one of the world’s safest countries. Furthermore, the evidence of Japan’s relative safety is provided by the International Crime Victimization Survey (ICVS), which in 2005, showed that Japan’s victimization rate was 9.9%, the second lowest among Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries after Spain. In particular, robberies and assaults were rare in Japan, but bicycle theft was relatively high. However, the proportion of people feeling unsafe or very unsafe on the street after dark was 35 percent, the third highest among OECD countries.

  2. Theft offenses include larceny on burglary, larceny on vehicle theft, and larceny on non-burglary. Violent offenses include unlawful assembly with dangerous weapons, assault, bodily injury, bodily injury resulting in death, intimidation, and extortion. Felonious offenses include homicide, robbery, arson, and rape. Moral offenses include gambling and indecent offenses.

  3. Notably, the increased number of arrests of elderly persons could be related to the aging of the Japanese population as well as the decrease in morbidity, which has made Japanese elderly persons healthier and more able to commit crimes.

  4. In addition, many police officers would retire near the Tokyo Olympics and Paralympics 2020.

  5. Although there is no theoretical basis for selecting 3-year lags, the results did not differ significantly when the lag period was either reduced or increased.

  6. Although it is more appropriate to use the educational attainment in the population, the data for educational attainment in the population is only available for every 5 years.

  7. We can arbitrarily choose the base year, but we chose 1989 because it was the first year of the Heisei era in the Japanese calendar.

  8. For example, a fine was introduced for theft in 2006. Before that, the only penalty was imprisonment, and first-time offenders were rarely prosecuted. Therefore, fines’ introduction would increase the number of first-time offenders who were sentenced and discourage theft offenses. However, no discontinuous change occurred before and after the fine’s introduction, suggesting that it did not reduce theft.

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Acknowledgements

The authors are grateful to Mototsugu Fukushige (Osaka University), Jun Iritani (Osaka Gakuin University), Mikio Kawai (Toin University of Yokohama), Junya Masuda (Chukyo University), Katsuyohi Nakazawa (Toyo University), and Terukazu Suruga (Kobe University) for constructive comments. All errors are our own.

Funding

This research was financially supported by JSPS Grant-in-Aid for Challenging Research (Pioneering) Grant Number 20K20771, and Scientific Research B Grant Number 18H00802.

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Correspondence to Tomokazu Nomura.

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Appendix

Appendix

Tables

Table 4 Data source

4 and

Table 5 Estimation results for the first stage of FE-2SLS

5

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Nomura, T., Mori, D. & Takeda, Y. Policing, Labor Market, and Crime in Japan: Evidence from Prefectural Panel Data. Asian J Criminol 18, 297–326 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11417-023-09403-z

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