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A heresy inquisition in the National Assembly and the Islamisation of Pakistan

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 August 2023

A. Azfar Moin*
Affiliation:
Department of Religious Studies, The University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas, United States of America

Abstract

The goal of the second constitutional amendment passed in 1974 was to excommunicate the Ahmadis and establish Pakistan as a bona fide Islamic state. The Pakistani state accomplished this goal through an extraordinary process in which the National Assembly conducted a month-long examination of Ahmadi beliefs. Conducted by the attorney general of Pakistan, who was aided by the ulema members of parliament, these proceedings were a type of heresy inquisition in which the leaders of the Ahmadi community served as defendants. This article examines the key religious issues involved in these proceedings from a longer historical perspective that includes the Mughal and Safavid eras. In doing so, it highlights how pre-modern forms of religious persecution and accommodation came to be adapted to serve the ends of a modern constitutional nation-state.

Type
Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Royal Asiatic Society

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References

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2 This history is outlined in Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, Islam in Pakistan: A History (Princeton, 2018), pp. 95134Google Scholar.

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4 By ritual process, I mean the status-changing collective rituals, as outlined in the classic work by Turner, Victor Witter, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Chicago, 1969)Google Scholar.

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6 The English daily Dawn reported, ‘Parliamentarians on Tuesday had pointed out that the wording of Form-A, which is submitted at the time of election by candidates, had been changed so that it had been turned into a declaration form instead of an affidavit, which puts a candidate under oath. Through the Elections Act 2017, the words in Form-A “I solemnly swear” had been replaced with “I believe” in a clause relating to a candidate's belief in the finality of the prophethood of Prophet Muhammad and it had been made not applicable to non-Muslim candidates.’ Inamullah Khattak and Nadir Guramani, ‘NA Passes Bill to Restore Khatm-i-Naboowat Declaration to Original Form in Elections Act 2017’, Dawn, 5 October 2017.

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18 See Moin, A. Azfar, ‘Messianism and the Constitution of Pakistan’, in South Asian Sovereignty, (eds) David Gilmartin, Pamela Price and Arild Engelsen Ruud (Delhi, 2019), pp. 175195CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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26 This and the following account on the Ahmadi view of Jesus is taken from Friedmann, Prophecy Continuous, pp. 116–17, 21, 27, 35, 53, 56, passim.

27 A. Azfar Moin, ‘Challenging the Mughal emperor: the Islamic millennium according to ʿAbd al-Qadir Badayuni’, in Islam in South Asia in Practice, (ed.) Metcalf, pp. 390–402.

28 Qasmi, Ahmadis, pp. 199–200.

29 As Qasmi notes, one alim observed that ‘instead of giving answers Nasir Ahmad was simply giving counter-examples of similar claims made by others as if it would exonerate him for his own crimes’. Ibid., p. 199.

30 A Azfar Moin and Alan Strathern, ‘Sacred kingship: a synthesis’, in Sacred Kingship in World History, (eds) A. Azfar Moin and Alan Strathern (New York, 2022), pp. 323–350, 41.

31 The event has been the focus of recent scholarship, the most salient works of which are Saeed, Politics, pp. 107–144; Qasmi, Ahmadis, pp. 167–226; Qadir, Ali, ‘Parliamentary hereticization of the Ahmadiyya in Pakistan: the modern world implicated in Islamic crises’, Religion in Times of Crisis 24 (2014), pp. 135152CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

32 The detailed history of the Ahmadi movement and its doctrines can be found in Friedmann, Prophecy Continuous.

33 Another faction of the Ahmadis, referred to as the Lahori jama‘at or group, also participated in the proceedings, but is not discussed here. This group was represented by their leader Maulana Sadr-ud-Din (1881–1981), who was aided by Maulana Abdul Manan Omar. Qasmi, Ahmadis, pp. 181–86, 200–201.

34 National Assembly of Pakistan, Proceedings of the Special Committee of the Whole House Held in Camera to Consider the Qadiani Issue, August 5, 1974–September 7, 1974 (Government of Pakistan Press, 1974). The account of the records, their reliability, and the process by which they were declassified and published is given in Qasmi, Ahmadis, pp. 179–183.

35 National Assembly of Pakistan, Proceedings, p. 36.

36 Ibid., p. 58.

37 Ibid., p. 65. For an analysis of how international conspiracies against Islam featured in these proceedings, see Qadir, ‘Parliamentary hereticization’.

38 In fact, the Ahmadis were commonly accused of being allied with Israel against Muslim countries, as it was openly suggested later on in the proceedings. Qasmi, Ahmadis, p. 200. This was an ominous line of questioning. In the following decades, it became routine for Ahmadis to be jailed for ‘posing as Muslims’. Moin, ‘Messianism and the Constitution of Pakistan’, p. 190.

39 Nadvi, Abul hasan Ali, Abul, Syed ‘Ala Maudoodi and Shaikh Muhammad Khizar Husain, Qadyaniyat (Delhi, 1993), pp. 6064Google Scholar. See also Mawdudi quoted in Moin, ‘Messianism and the Constitution of Pakistan’, p. 186.

40 For an analysis of the examples given by the attorney general about what other countries did to their religious minorities, see Qadir, ‘Parliamentary hereticization’.

41 National Assembly of Pakistan, Proceedings, p. 28.

42 Ibid., pp. 81–83.

43 Ibid., p. 91.

44 Ibid., p. 90.

46 Ibid., p. 92.

47 Ibid., p. 141.

48 Ibid., p. 149.

49 Ibid., pp. 140–141.

50 Qasmi, Ahmadis, pp. 205–211.

51 Ibid., p. 204.

52 Ibid., p. 205.

53 Ibid., pp. 212–214.

54 ‘Bare life’ is the concept articulated by the philosopher Giorgio Agamben to describe the state of those individuals and groups who have been cast out of a polity with their legal privileges withdrawn. Agamben, Giorgio, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life (Stanford, CA, 1998)Google Scholar. See also Moin, ‘Messianism and the Constitution of Pakistan’, p. 191.