Skip to main content
Log in

The “invisible hand” of vote markets

  • Original Paper
  • Published:
Social Choice and Welfare Aims and scope Submit manuscript

Abstract

This paper studies electoral competition between two non-ideological parties when voters are free to trade votes for money. We find that allowing for vote trading has significant policy consequences, even if trade does not actually take place in equilibrium. In particular, the parties’ equilibrium platforms are found to converge (hence, there is no reason for vote trading) to the ideal policy of the mid-range voter, instead of converging to the peak of the median voter (as they do when vote trading is forbidden). That is, a market for votes may not change the outcome only by redistributing the political power among voters when the parties’ policy proposals are fixed (e.g., Casella et al. in J Polit Econ 120:593–658, 2012, etc.), but also by acting as an invisible hand—modifying parties’ incentives when platform choice is endogenous.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this article

Price excludes VAT (USA)
Tax calculation will be finalised during checkout.

Instant access to the full article PDF.

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. See, for instance, Philipson and Snyder (1996); Casella et al. (2012); Casella and Turban (2014); Casella et al. (2014); Xefteris and Ziros (2017, 2018); Tsakas et al. (2021); Casella and Macé (2021); Casella and Sanchez (2022), among others.

  2. The main criticisms stem from the fact that vote trading affects the payoffs of all voters. This externality complicates the existence of equilibrium and, moreover, leads to ambiguous results concerning social welfare. For an account of the criticisms, one is referred to the papers cited above, which study vote trading with exogenously fixed policy platforms.

  3. Similar approaches are found in many other works. See, for instance, Lijphart (1984); Ortuño-Ortín (1997); Grossman and Helpman (1999); Llavador (2006); Merrill and Adams (2007); De Sinopoli and Iannantuoni (2007); Saporiti (2014); Matakos et al. (2016), among others.

  4. In light of the equilibrium features, our work is associated with Hirata and Kamada (2020), which studies a two-party election where a party’s winning probability depends on the contributions it raises.

  5. Considering that a voter’s utility declines with the distance between her ideal policy and the implemented one is essential for our main result about platform convergence. This is also the case in standard electoral competition models without vote trading; hence, such a modeling allows for a direct comparison with the results when vote trading is not allowed, which is the main inquiry of this paper.

  6. Most assumptions employed (e.g., two parties, quasilinear preferences) are standard in the vote-trading literature (e.g., Casella et al. 2012, 2014; Xefteris and Ziros 2017) and provide a convenient way for solving the problem of nonexistence of equilibrium in a market for votes. This literature also abstracts from several empirically relevant factors in real-world settings (e.g., elite influence, lobbies), which future research should consider.

  7. While abstention is not allowed in our model, our main results are robust to considering voluntary participation.

  8. That is, if at least one other individual sells her vote, the utility function is well-defined, differentiable, and strictly concave in [0, 1].

  9. Choosing not to trade is always a best response of an individual when all other individuals choose not to trade.

  10. See the Appendix.

  11. We notice that the equilibrium bids of the two buyers are increasing in the size of the electorate, but they are not affected by the ideal policies of all other voters. Moreover, one can easily show that \({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }>\bar{ b}^{\beta }\) (\({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }<{\bar{b}}^{\beta }\)) whenever \(\frac{\alpha +\beta }{2}>\frac{1}{2}\) (\(\frac{\alpha +\beta }{2}<\frac{1}{2}\)).

  12. See the Appendix.

  13. See the Appendix.

  14. In this paper the policy outcome is deterministic (i.e., a weighted average of the parties’ platforms, with weights being equal to their vote shares). When voters’ utility functions are strictly concave (as they are here), then the probabilistic setup is not equivalent to the deterministic one: in the former case, the relationship between a voter’s utility and the vote share of her preferred party is linear, while in the latter, the relationship is strictly concave, making the problem distinctly more complicated. For this reason, we cannot simply refer to earlier arguments to establish Proposition 1.

    Arguably, the current deterministic setup, where policy is a compromise of the two platforms and not the product of a “random dictatorship”, is a better assumption in many ways and it aligns with how several papers in the literature treat policy formation in the presence of divergent platforms (e.g., Ortuño-Ortín 1997; Merrill and Adams 2007; Matakos et al. 2016). Moreover, by employing this assumption, the current paper, beyond its main contribution (i.e., to show how allowing for vote trading affects policy outcomes when platforms are endogenous), makes a secondary point: it establishes that earlier results provided in probabilistic settings, are also valid in more standard settings of deterministic policy formation.

  15. Future research could consider additional factors (e.g., concave utilities in money or uncertainty regarding the ideal policies of other individuals) that might provide further justification for a larger number of voters.

  16. This is very reminiscent of actual behaviors in legislatures. Indeed, empirical research provides evidence that the relevant party ideology in legislatures is more extreme than the ideology of the median party legislator (see, for instance, Grofman et al. 2002).

References

  • Casella A, Macé A (2021) Does vote trading improve welfare? Annu Rev Econ 13:57–86

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Casella A, Sanchez L (2022) Democracy and intensity of preferences: a test of storable votes and quadratic voting on four California propositions. J Polit 84:607–612

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Casella A, Turban S (2014) Democracy undone. Systematic minority advantage in competitive vote markets. Games Econ Behav 88:47–70

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Casella A, Llorente-Saguer A, Palfrey T (2012) Competitive equilibrium in markets for votes. J Polit Econ 120:593–658

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Casella A, Palfrey T, Turban S (2014) Vote trading with and without party leaders. J Public Econ 112:115–128

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • De Sinopoli F, Iannantuoni G (2007) A spatial voting model where proportional rule leads to two-party equilibria. Int J Game Theory 35:267–286

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Grofman B, Koetzle W, McGann AJ (2002) Congressional leadership 1965–96: a new look at the extremism versus centrality debate. Legis Stud Q 27:87–105

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Grossman GM, Helpman E (1999) Competing for endorsements. Am Econ Rev 89:501–524

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Hirata D, Kamada Y (2020) Extreme donors and policy convergence. Soc Choice Welf 55:149–176

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Ledyard JO (1984) The pure theory of large two-candidate elections. Public Choice 44:7–41

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Lijphart A (1984) Democracies: patterns of majoritarian and consensus government in twenty-one countries. Yale University Press, New Haven

    Book  Google Scholar 

  • Llavador H (2006) Electoral platforms, implemented policies, and abstention. Soc Choice Welf 27:55–81

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Matakos K, Troumpounis O, Xefteris D (2016) Electoral rule disproportionality and platform polarization. Am J Polit Sci 60:1026–1043

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Merrill S, Adams J (2007) The effects of alternative power-sharing arrangements: do “moderating” institutions moderate party strategies and government policy outputs? Public Choice 131:413–434

  • Ortuño-Ortín I (1997) A spatial model of political competition and proportional representation. Soc Choice Welf 14:427–438

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Philipson TJ, Snyder JM (1996) Equilibrium and efficiency in an organized vote market. Public Choice 89:245–265

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Saporiti A (2014) Power sharing and electoral equilibrium. Econ Theory 55:705–729

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Shapley L, Shubik M (1977) Trade using one commodity as a means of payment. J Polit Econ 85:937–968

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Tsakas N, Xefteris D, Ziros N (2021) Vote trading in power-sharing systems: a laboratory investigation. Econ J 131:1849–1882

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Xefteris D, Ziros N (2017) Strategic vote trading in power sharing systems. Am Econ J Microec 9:76–94

    Article  Google Scholar 

  • Xefteris D, Ziros N (2018) Strategic vote trading under complete information. J Math Econ 78:52–58

    Article  Google Scholar 

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Nicholas Ziros.

Ethics declarations

Conflict of interest

The authors have no relevant financial or non-financial interests to disclose.

Additional information

Publisher's Note

Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Appendix

Appendix

Calculations showing that the equilibrium bids \({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }\) , \({\bar{b}}^{\beta }\) are positive and budget feasible:

In expression (3) the numerator is negative because \(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n<0\) and the remaining terms are positive for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\). The denominator is negative because \(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n=\beta (2-n)+n(\alpha -1)-2\alpha <0\) for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\). Hence, \({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }\) is positive. Moreover \({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }<1\), as each term \(\tfrac{(n-2)}{n}\), \(\tfrac{(\alpha +\beta (n-1))^{2}}{ (2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n)^{2}}\), \(\tfrac{2(\beta -\alpha ))(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)}{2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n}\) is less than one for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\).

In expression (4) the numerator is negative because \((\alpha -\beta )<0\) and the remaining terms are positive for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\). The denominator is negative because \(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n=\beta (2-n)+n(\alpha -1)-2\alpha <0\) for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\). Hence, \({\bar{b}}^{\beta }\) is positive. Moreover \({\bar{b}}^{\beta }<1\), as each term \(\tfrac{(n-2)}{n}\), \(\tfrac{2(\alpha -\beta )(\alpha +\beta (n-1)) }{2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n}\), \(\tfrac{(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{ (2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n)^{2}}\) is less than one for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\).

Calculations showing that the voter with \(y_{i}=0\) prefers refraining from vote trading to selling her vote:

In the full-trade equilibrium, substituting for the posited bid of the other buyer, the utility of the voter with \(y_{i}=0\) from refraining from vote trading and voting for \({\mathcal {A}}\) is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}} )=-(-\frac{1}{n}\alpha -\frac{n-1}{n}\beta )^{2}+1\) and from selling her vote is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=-\beta ^{2}+1+\tfrac{2(n-2)}{n(n-1)}\tfrac{ (\alpha -\beta )(\alpha +\beta (n-1))(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(\beta +1)n)^{3}}\). Their difference is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0; {\mathcal {A}})-u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=\frac{1}{n^{2}}(\beta -\alpha )\left( \alpha +\beta (2n-1)+\frac{2n(n-2)(\alpha +\beta (n-1))(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{(n-1)(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(1+\beta )n)^{3}}\right) =\)

\(\frac{1}{n^{2}}(\beta -\alpha )\left( \beta n+(\alpha +\beta (n-1))\left( 1+\frac{ 2n(n-2)(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{(n-1)(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(1+\beta )n)^{3}}\right) \right) >0\) for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\), because the term \(\frac{n(n-2)(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{(n-1)(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(1+\beta )n)^{3}}\) is negative and its absolute value is less than one. Thus, the absolute value of the term \(1+\frac{2n(n-2)(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{(n-1)(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(1+\beta )n)^{3}}\) is less than one for \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\), which yields \(\beta n+(\alpha +\beta (n-1))\left( 1+\frac{2n(n-2)(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)^{2}}{(n-1)(2\beta +\alpha (n-2)-(1+\beta )n)^{3}}\right) >0\).

Calculations showing that an individual with \(y_{i}\in (0,1)\) prefers selling her vote to refraining from vote trading and just voting for \({\mathcal {A}}\):

In the full-trade equilibrium, substituting for the posited bids of the extreme voters, the utility of an individual with \(y_{i}\in (0,1)\) from selling her vote is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=\)

\(\frac{-2(\alpha -\beta )^{3}+(\alpha -\beta )^{2}(-3+2\alpha -2\beta -4y_{i}(y_{i}-1))n+2(\alpha -\beta )((\alpha -1)y_{i}(2y_{i}-1)+\beta (-2+\alpha +(3-2y_{i})y_{i}))n^{2}-(\beta (y_{i}-1)+y_{i}-\alpha y_{i})^{2}n^{3}}{n((\beta -\alpha )(n-2)+n)^{2}}\) and from refraining from vote trading and voting for \({\mathcal {A}}\) is

\(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})=-\frac{((\alpha -\beta )^{2}-(\alpha -\beta )(\alpha -2+2y_{i})n+(\beta +(\alpha -\beta -1)y_{i})n^{2})^{2}}{ n^{2}((\beta -\alpha )(n-2)+n)^{2}}\).

Their difference is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)-u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}} )=\)

\(\frac{(\alpha -\beta )(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)\left( -(\alpha -\beta )^{2}+(\alpha -\beta )(-1+\alpha +4y_{i})n+2(1+\beta -\alpha )y_{i}n^{2}\right) }{n^{2}((\beta -\alpha )(n-2)+n)^{2}}>0\) for \(y_{i}\in (0,1)\), \(0\le \alpha <\beta \le 1\) and \(n>2\), because the product \((\alpha -\beta )(\beta +\alpha (n-1)-n)\) is positive and the term \((-(\alpha -\beta )^{2}+(\alpha -\beta )(-1+\alpha +4y_{i})n+2(1+\beta -\alpha )y_{i}n^{2})\), which can be written as \((\beta -\alpha )((\alpha -\beta )+(1-\alpha )n)+(\beta -\alpha )(2n-4)y_{i}n+2y_{i}n^{2}\), is also positive.

Proof of Lemma 2

Considering that \(\beta =1-\alpha\) and \(Q=n-2-2k\), expressions (1), (2) yield that the equilibrium bids of the two individuals with \(y_{i}=\{0,1\}\) are \({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }={\bar{b}}^{\beta }=\frac{\left( 1-2\alpha \right) (n-2-2k)}{4n}\), which are positive and budget feasible for \(\alpha \in [0,\frac{1}{2})\), \(n>2\) and \(k<\frac{n-2}{2}.\) Given the concavity of the maximization problem, neither of the two extreme voters wishes to deviate to any other bid.

Moreover, the two voters with \(y_{i}=\{0,1\}\) never deviate to any other strategy. Given the posited strategies of the other players, the utility that the voter with \(y_{i}=0\) derives from playing \({\bar{b}}^{\alpha }\) is \(u_{i}(b_{i}={\bar{b}}^{\alpha },q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})=-\left( -\frac{1}{2}\right) ^{2}+1- \frac{\left( 1-2\alpha \right) (n-2-2k)}{4n}\) and from refraining from vote trading and voting for \({\mathcal {A}}\) is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}} )=-\left( -\frac{k+1}{n}\alpha -\left( \frac{n-k-1}{n}\right) (1-\alpha )\right) ^{2}+1\). Their difference is \(u_{i}(b_{i}={\bar{b}}^{\alpha },q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}} )-u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})=\frac{(1-2\alpha )(n-2k-2)}{2n^{2}} (n-k-1-n\alpha +2\alpha +2k\alpha )>0\) for \(\alpha \in [0,\frac{1}{2} )\), \(n>2\) and \(k<\frac{n-2}{2}\). Furthermore, the utility that the voter with \(y_{i}=0\) derives from selling her vote is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=-\left( - \frac{k}{n}\alpha -(\frac{n-k}{n})(1-\alpha )\right) ^{2}+1+\frac{1}{n-1-2k}\frac{ \left( 1-2\alpha \right) (n-2-2k)}{4n}\) and hence \(u_{i}(b_{i}={\bar{b}} ^{\alpha },q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})-u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=\frac{(1-2\alpha )\left( n-2k\right) ^{2}}{4n^{2}(n-2k-1)}\left( 2n-2k-2n\alpha -1+2\alpha +4k\alpha \right) >0\) for \(\alpha \in [0,\frac{1}{2})\), \(n>2\) and \(k< \frac{n-2}{2}\).

With similar arguments we can show that the voter with \(y_{i}=1\) never deviates to selling her vote or to refraining from vote trading. Hence, the posited bids of the two extreme voters are their unique best responses.

Next, we show what no individual with ideal policy \(y_{i}\in (0,1)\) places a monetary bid to acquire more votes. Given the posited bids of the voters with \(y_{i}=\{0,1\}\), there is no positive bid that satisfies expression (1) for an individual with \(y_{i}>0\) who votes for party \({\mathcal {A}}\). Similarly, there is no positive bid that satisfies expression (2) for an individual with \(y_{i}<1\) who votes for party \({\mathcal {B}}\).

Next, we consider an individual with \(y_{i}\in (0,1)\) who sells her vote in this partial-trade profile of strategies and all others expect it. Substituting for the posited strategies of the other players, the utility from selling her vote is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=-(y_{i}-\frac{1}{2})^{2}+1+ \frac{\left( 1-2\alpha \right) }{2n}\) and from voting for party \({\mathcal {A}}\) without engaging in vote trading is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}} )=-(y_{i}-{\hat{z}})^{2}+1\), where \({\hat{z}}=\frac{1}{n}(2+k+\frac{1}{2} (n-3-2k))\alpha +(1-\frac{1}{n}(2+k+\frac{1}{2}(n-3-2k)))(1-\alpha )=\frac{1}{2n}\left( n+2\alpha -1\right)\). Their difference is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)-u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})=\frac{(1-2\alpha )(4ny_{i}-2\alpha +1)}{4n^{2}}>0\) for \(\alpha \in [0,\frac{1}{2})\) and \(n>2\); that is, she has no incentives to deviate to voting for party \({\mathcal {A}}\) without engaging in vote trading. With similar arguments we can establish that an individual with \(y_{i}\in (0,1)\) who sells in a partial-trade profile of strategies will not deviate to voting for party \({\mathcal {B}}\) without engaging in vote trading.

Consider now an individual who refrains from vote trading and just votes for party \({\mathcal {A}}\) in this partial-trade profile of strategies and all others expect it. Substituting for the posited strategies of the other players, her utility from refraining from vote trading is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})=-(y_{i}-\frac{1}{2})^{2}+1\) and from selling her vote is \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)=-(y_{i}-{\tilde{z}} )^{2}+1+\frac{1}{n-1-2k}\frac{\left( 1-2\alpha \right) (n-2-2k)}{2n}\) where \({\tilde{z}}=\frac{1}{n}(k+\frac{1}{2}(n-1-2k))\alpha +(1-\frac{1}{n}(k+\frac{1 }{2}(n-1-2k)))(1-\alpha )=\frac{1}{2n}\left( n-2\alpha +1\right)\). This individual will not deviate to selling her vote if \(u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=0;{\mathcal {A}})\ge u_{i}(b_{i}=0,q_{i}=1)\Rightarrow\) \(y_{i}\le\) \(\xi =\tfrac{(1-2\alpha )\left( n-1-2k\right) +2n}{4n\left( n-1-2k\right) }\). That is, an individual with \(y_{i}\in (0,\xi ]\) who refrains from vote trading and votes for \({\mathcal {A}}\) in this partial-trade profile of strategies will not deviate to selling her vote.

Similarly, an individual with ideal policy \(y_{i}\in [1-\xi ,1)\) who refrains from vote trading and just votes for \({\mathcal {B}}\) in this partial-trade profile of strategies will not deviate to selling her vote.

Rights and permissions

Springer Nature or its licensor (e.g. a society or other partner) holds exclusive rights to this article under a publishing agreement with the author(s) or other rightsholder(s); author self-archiving of the accepted manuscript version of this article is solely governed by the terms of such publishing agreement and applicable law.

Reprints and permissions

About this article

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this article

Xefteris, D., Ziros, N. The “invisible hand” of vote markets. Soc Choice Welf 62, 153–165 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00355-023-01485-z

Download citation

  • Received:

  • Accepted:

  • Published:

  • Issue Date:

  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s00355-023-01485-z

Navigation