More law enforcement officers die by means of suicide than in the field of duty (Levin 2021; Jetelina et al. 2020). The suicide rate for law enforcement officers, also referred to herein as police officers, or simply officers, is 82% higher than that of the general population (Violanti et al. 2017). In a recent study by Thoen et al. (2020), the authors noted that 12.4% of officers reported they were “quite” or “very” certain they would attempt suicide one day. Suicide deaths by police are slowly becoming a global pandemic, with research suggesting that police suicide is increasing rapidly in the United States, France, Spain, Canada, and Portugal (Ganley 2019).

Although a few officer deaths are attributed to depression or PTSD, the overwhelming majority are listed as having “unknown causes” (Levin 2021). Police officers face a myriad of stressors, both professionally and within their personal lives. On any given day, police officers risk both extreme violence and death. While remaining prepared to respond to extreme acts of violence, officers are also expected to possess soft skills, demonstrate empathy, and maintain a keen sense of ability to regulate their feelings and emotions. Hence, the increasing demands upon police, without additional training, have caused many to question if the expanded responsibilities placed upon officers are simply too much for them to bear (Fasman 2020; Gutierrez, n.d.)

Mental health issues are among the greatest threats to police officers. In 2019, 228 officers died by suicide in the United States, compared to 132 who were killed in the line of duty (Levin 2021). Postmortem examinations of many of the officers revealed no visible signs of problems with mental health, and the officers’ conduct among peers appeared normal because of the organizational stigma associated with disclosing mental health problems (Allison et al. 2019).

Though specific details are unknown regarding the underlying factors that contributed to the suicides, anecdotally, one can presume that the emerging trends in law enforcement, in addition to declines in mental health, all contributed to the end result, of what the current research conceptualizes as “limpid kryptonite.” Limpid kryptonite is characterized by the juxtaposition of police officers being regarded as superheroes, while internally struggling in silence facing invincible battles unseen by the community. Case in point, in July 2020, a newly promoted Chicago police deputy chief was found dead in his office after an apparent self-inflicted gunshot wound. According to reports, the death of Chief Dion Boyd shocked many in the department as the 57-year-old veteran of 30 years was a staunch advocate of self-care and often encouraged others to take care of themselves and their mental health. Chief Boyd’s death is one of many that is marked by unanswered questions and a continued quest for answers to clarify and prevent this deadly phenomenon. For example, how does an officer like Chief Boyd’s years of experience mitigate or adversely impact his susceptibility to posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD)? Moreover, how might increased media attention impact an officer’s ability to perform his or her duties and does it create a lasting impact on an officer’s mental health? Finally, because police culture is deeply entrenched in the daily practice of law enforcement, how does an officer’s sense of their identity impact his or her ability to manage stress, the media, and mental health?

Literature Review

With the ever-changing characteristics of modern society, being a police officer is a highly demanding and stressful occupation. Generally speaking, psychological stressors are “social and physical environmental circumstances that challenge the adaptive capabilities and resources of an organism” (Monroe and Slavich 2007). Moreover, contrary to popular belief, police officers are said to have fears which contribute to their stress because of “the uncertainty and danger” associated with the increased number of firearms in the hands of citizens (Purba and Demou 2019). Separate from the issues regarding the line of duty, police officers also report a lack of low material resources, supervision difficulties, and criticism from family and society as additional stressors (Purba and Demou 2019).

The mental health and well-being of police officers have become a concern due to the high rates of depression, anxiety, burnout, and suicide (Queirós et al. 2020). The deaths are attributed to the constant exposure to negative social situations, crime, violence, all which lead to a negative outlook on life, as well as numerous mental health issues and compassion fatigue (Queirós et al. 2020). Moreover, these high rates of poor mental health outcomes due to the job of policing also cause work-family conflict and non-adaptive coping strategies (Queirós et al. 2020).

Seminal research suggests police stressors may be grouped into four broad categories: organizational practices and characteristics, criminal justice system practices and characteristics, public practices characteristics, and operational stressors, which is the police work itself (Territo and Vetter 1981). Although all four stressors are important, operational stressors are most relevant to the current research and is known to have the greatest impact on officers’ overall stress levels. Operational stressors include the violence associated with being a police officer (e.g., demanding work and shift schedules, long working hours, overtime and court work, and traumatic events and threats that impact physical and psychological health) (Violanti et al. 2017).

The impact of continuous exposure to stress by police officers causes anxiety, depression, psychological distress, burnout, and suicidal ideation (Purba and Demou 2019). Moreover, research suggests negative imagery in the media regarding police offer misconduct has an adverse effect on officers’ mental health and adds to their continuous stress (Queirós et al. 2020). Seemingly, research conducted by Allison et al. (2019), who assessed 388 urban police officers using the 60-item Police Stress Survey (S-PSS), concluded that the most frequent stressors identified by participants included being under physical and psychological threat, fear of a terror attack, administrative and organizational pressure from the police force, and citizens that distrust the police along with a lack of support from family, friends, and society. Three pathological conditions that might result from repeated exposure to the levels of stress as previously described are acute stress disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, and complex spiral trauma.

Acute Stress Disorder

Police officers often identify stress as one of the most difficult elements of their job. Unlike other professions, they are often faced with dilemmas in which they do not have adequate time to fully process a logical response to rapidly changing events (Magnavita et al. 2018). During these stressful encounters, officers are required to think and react quickly, due to the possible threat of danger to themselves or others (Papazoglou and Tuttle 2018; Singletary 2019). In many cases, officers are forced to make a split-second decision to either use lethal force or attempt to deescalate the crises (Singletary 2019).

Police officers are subjected to extreme occupational hazards on a continued basis (Craddock and Telesco 2022). Because of the constant exposure to violence and death, many perceive the daily activities associated with policing as “just a part of the job” (Craddock and Telesco 2022). Because of the acceptance of repeated exposure to violence, death, and trauma, the extreme acts of policing have become normalized. The variance of duties and omnipresent reality of death and danger exposes officers to both acute and chronic stress (Anderson et al. 2002; Zhao et al. (2002). Research suggests the toll of such stress is directly related to adverse health conditions such as anxiety, depression, heart disease, stroke, and suicide (Bishopp and Boots 2014; Violanti et al. 2017).

The constant exposure to traumatic events and intense stress leads many officers to develop symptoms of acute stress disorder (ASD) (Evans et al. 2013; Giessing et al. 2020). Acute stress disorder is a mental disorder that occurs within the first month of an individual experiencing a traumatic event. Symptoms include anxiety, intense fear or helplessness, flashbacks, nightmares, depression, negative thoughts, ideological detachment from reality (derealization), distancing from oneself and one’s experiences (depersonalization), conflict avoidance, numbing of emotions, feeling on edge and irritable, and negative ideation and self-guilt regarding symptom presentation and an inability to cope with stress (Giessing et al. 2020). However, despite the clinical presentation of ASD, persons with this disorder are at increased risk of developing PTSD.

Posttraumatic Stress Disorder

In a 2019 study that assessed the mental health of police officers, researchers at the University of Texas at Dallas discovered that 26 percent of participants met the criteria for a range of mental health conditions such as anxiety, depression, burnout, or PTSD (Jetelina et al. 2020). PTSD is a disorder that may occur in people who have witnessed or experienced a traumatic event (DSM-5). More commonly, PTSD is most prevalent in high-risk professions and survivors of various types of abuse such as victims of heinous crimes, accident victims, war/combat veterans, and medical professionals and first responders (Thomas 2018; Watson and Andrews 2018). In a seminal 2016 study involving veteran police officers, 15% of male officers and 18% of female officers presented symptoms of PTSD (Hartley et al. 2013). Results of the study were noted in stark contrast with the general population as 3.5% of the general population presented symptoms of PTSD (Hartley et al. 2013). In an older but significant study by Kessler et al. (1995), results suggested that exposure to traumatic events predicted the probability of not only PTSD but also depression and other maladaptive behaviors.

In a large study conducted by Hartley et al. (2013), the researchers reported that 60% of male officers and 46% of female officers had experienced five or more traumatic events in the past year. In an older study by Oehme et al. (2012), results of the study reported officers who had PTSD were four times more likely to report using physical violence at home, and officers with dependent drinking habits were eight times more likely to report violence towards an intimate partner or family member. One correlational study suggests that PTSD could account for up to 46 percent of cases of excessive force (Harrell and Davis 2020).

The symptomology commonly associated with PTSD includes intense, disturbing thoughts and feelings that remain prevalent beyond initial exposure to the traumatic event (DSM-5). In addition, many PTSD sufferers experience vivid flashbacks and or nightmares, intense mood swings of anger and sadness, and feelings of detachment or lack of connection with other people (DSM-5). Symptoms of PTSD fall into four diagnostic categories: intrusion, avoidance, alterations in cognition and mood, and alterations in arousal and reactivity. For many of those dealing with PTSD, one or more of these behavior manifestations present themselves within days following the traumatic event (DSM-5).

Complex Spiral Trauma

Constant exposure to trauma and violence creates enormous stress for police officers, exacerbating the symptoms of PTSD (Evans et al. 2013). Research has suggested that prolonged, cumulative trauma generates toxic stress that overtaxes the nervous system, altering the brain’s architecture, leading to cognitive impairment (Alexander 2010; Gabbidon 1994). These traumatic experiences can leave a lasting impression on the officer, resulting in symptoms of PTSD as well as a more complex form of trauma germane to law enforcement duties, defined as complex spiral trauma (Papazoglou, 2013).

Complex spiral trauma is defined as “prolonged exposure through direct or indirect experiences that jeopardize the physical and mental health... and life of the officers” (Papazoglou, 2013, p.). In addition, the “spiral form symbolizes the officers’ exposure to different types of trauma based on time, tension, and frequency of officers’ traumatic exposure during their career” (Papazaglou, 2013, p.). Experiencing multiple traumatic events adversely impacts the mental and physical well-being of officers (Watson and Andrews 2018). Moreover, because of these sustained traumatic injuries, the cumulative effect of trauma and mental health is likely to impact the officer’s ability to engage in both advanced and basic job tasks (Watson and Andrews 2018).

Social Media and Police

The insurgence of social media in the early 2000s took the world by storm. Social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and Snapchat changed the way people communicate by creating communities within communities and opening up a new superhighway of fast sharing information and social connection. During public safety emergencies, social media can be especially useful for police and other first responders by helping to rapidly inform a community and opening up alternative channels to receive information from the public.

Notwithstanding all the positive benefits of social media to the law enforcement community, the circle of its influence comes with both a blessing and a curse. The advent of advanced cellphone technology, combined with social media, has made it possible that every move an officer makes is now susceptible to being recorded and evaluated in real time by millions of onlookers. This additional level of accountability is new for police, and its impact on the officers in the field remains unknown. However, Rantatalo (2016) suggested that media representations have a substantial effect on how police officers see themselves and operate. Specifically, the author posited that unfavorable representation in the media “spurs disidentification, such as distancing and re-framing through articulations of local counter-images of identity” (p. 124). Therefore, understanding how officers perceive their sense of identity as a member of law enforcement is critical to understanding how officers think and conduct themselves in the line of duty. Rantatalo’s research supports the findings of the current study, making an argument for further research in the area of officers’ identity.

However, emerging research suggests that one factor that may impact an officer’s actions while engaging in routine duties is cop baiting. Cop baiting occurs when individuals intentionally create confrontational situations with officers to elicit a desired response that will later be used to exploit them for personal or political motives (Waters 2012). Driven largely by social media, cop baiting presents a significant challenge for police personnel as it has the potential to increase substantial tension during routine duties. Not knowing whether they are facing a situation that is legitimate, staged, or exaggerated, cop baiting adversely exacerbates the mental health of officers by inducing acute stress and other maladaptive behaviors. Insights into these and the other types of stress described above might also explain the substantial increase in officer resignations and retirements across the country.

Career Sustainability in Law Enforcement

According to a recent survey released by the Police Executive Research Forum that examines police workforce trends around the country, police departments are reporting record number of resignations and retirements (Police Executive Research Forum 2021). According to the report, between May 10 and May 21, 2021, agencies reported an 18% increase in the resignation rate in 2020–2021 (compared to 2019–2020) and a 45% increase in the retirement rate. In the report, officers cite the changes in laws and job duties as their primary reasons for leaving the professions, as well as their sense that the rules appear to be changing in favor of criminals, making their jobs more difficult. The results of the report support the findings of the current study and offer additional insight into the scalability and sustainability of police officers as a viable occupation.

One of the major contributors to poor mental health among police officers is the lack of mental health resources available to treat the problem. Accordingly, three-quarters of police departments do not have internal safeguards in place to allow officers the means to address their mental health and wellness concerns. According to a report by the Council on Criminal Justice Task Force on Policing, only 29% of police departments have wellness programs or trainings (Levin 2021). Further exacerbating the problem is the stigma associated with seeking mental health treatment. According to Haugen et al. (2017), the stigma and association with negative stereotypes, and undesirable opinions, are major barriers to officers seeking mental health treatment. In their comprehensive review, Velazquez and Hernandez (2019) point out that “the inability to view police officers as “ordinary” contributes to holding them to unrealistic expectations. These unrealistic, superhuman characteristics are embedded in society from a historical standpoint of societal norms, which suggests that police officers should portray a specific superior demeanor” (p. 717). They further point out that any stigma can come from the organizational culture and how each agency reacts to potential mental health crises among their own officers. This can lead to a supportive or unsupportive environment for seeking mental health treatment and also affects how funds may be allocated to address the problem. Ideally, the present, and other similar work, would lead to a plan to allocate resources for a full-scale program to support mental health among law enforcement at the city, state, and national levels.

Method

Sample

Participants consisted of a convenience sample of police officers (n = 147) from Illinois, Iowa, Wisconsin, Indiana, and Missouri. Participant demographic data consisted of the following categories: White/Caucasian (66), Black/African American (32), Hispanic (17), Asian (12), and Other (20). The officers were recruited while participating in a regional training sponsored by the Central Illinois Police Training Center in partnership with the researchers and Virta (the leading experts in virtual reality training simulations for police training). The research study consisted of a survey questionnaire in which participants were asked to respond to scale items believed to impact officers’ mental health and general well-being. Specific measures included acute stress, PTSD, social media, and identity as police.

Prior to taking part in the study, participants signed a consent form. Participants had an average age of 41.5, with the youngest officer surveyed being 22 and the oldest 64. The average number of years of law experience of the participants was 14.35, with a range of two to 38 years. The sample included officers with a variety of experiences holding several ranks. Participants consisted of patrol officers, captains, deputies, and sheriffs. Most were from urban areas (60.9%), but there was a mix of other geographic communities represented as well: 19.6% suburban, 10.9% rural, and a combination of communities, such as rural-suburban or urban-suburban.

Measures

The current study used both empirically validated and theoretical constructs developed by the researchers to advance the current study. To determine if the developed constructs functioned as expected, Cronbach’s alpha was used to assess for reliability. The reliability of an instrument serves as an indicator of the instrument’s stability and consistency (Creswell 2014). Creswell noted that Cronbach’s alpha values above 0.6 are considered to be highly reliable and acceptable, whereas values less than 0.6 are considered low. Values in the range of 0.60 to 0.80 are considered moderate but acceptable, while values in the ranges of 0.8 and up to 1.00 are seen as being very good (highly reliable).

The current study used two one-item scales to measure constructs not yet established in the extant literature. Research has suggested that, although limited, single-item scales are appropriate for exploratory research and are just as effective as multi-item scales when they are “unambiguous” and “concrete” or “doubly concrete” (Bergkvist 2014; Bergkvist and Rossiter 2007; Diamantopoulos et al. 2012; Rossiter 2002; Wanous et al. 1997).

PTSD

To assess for PTSD, participants were asked to complete the Primary Care Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Screen (PC-PTSD). The PC-PTSD is used by the Department of Defense and other US governmental agencies to assess PTSD symptoms and maladaptive behaviors. The measure begins with an item which assesses lifetime exposure to traumatic events. If a respondent denies exposure, the PC-PTSD is complete with a score of 0. However, if a respondent indicates that they have had any lifetime exposure to trauma, the respondent is instructed to respond to additional yes/no questions about how that trauma exposure has affected them over the past month. PTSD symptoms were measured on a 0–4 scale, with 0 indicating that no PTSD symptoms are present, 1 indicating that one PTSD symptom was present, and 4 indicating all four PTSD symptoms are present. This was based on the participant’s yes or no responses to the PTSD questionnaire. A sample question from the survey asked: “In your life, have you ever had any experience that was so frightening, horrible, or upsetting that, in the past month, you...” Participants were given four, yes/no questions that were used to identify possible PTSD symptoms.

Officer Identity

To assess for officer identity, participants were asked to respond to six items comprising the construct, Officer Identity. Officer identity was used to measure an officer’s perceived identity as it relates to the routine duties of policing. The current study defines officer identity as “an officer’s perception of the value of their role as a member of law enforcement in the community.” The researchers developed the officer identity measure based on the research of (Filstad 2022), where the author provided a detailed analysis of police officers’ sense of belonging and sense of identity as a police officer. After constructing the measure, the authors of this research used Cronbach’s alpha to determine internal reliability of these items to measure the construct. The Identity subscale was found to be highly reliable at (α = 0.862). Police officer identity was measured on a 5-point scale, with 0 indicating not at all, 1 indicating a little bit, 2 indicating moderately, 3 indicating quite a bit, and 4 indicating extremely. Sample questions from the survey included “My personal identity and my identity as a member of law enforcement are the same”; “I like the perceived power associated with being a member of law enforcement”; “I like it when people acknowledge me as being a member of law enforcement”; “I get frustrated when people don’t respect my authority as a member of law enforcement”; “I introduce myself to others as a member of law enforcement during most opportunities outside of work.”

Media Awareness

To assess for media awareness, participants were asked to respond to three items comprising that construct. The current study defines media awareness as one’s intentional conscious awareness of social, political, and or relational events, displayed on national/local networks, social media, newspaper, and or other electronic and traditional outlets. The researchers developed the media awareness measure in part, based on the early research of (Levordashka and Utz 2016), where the authors assessed what they called “ambient awareness” which refers to the awareness social media users develop of their online network as a result of being immersed in an online community. After constructing the measure, the authors of this research used Cronbach’s alpha to determine the internal reliability of these items to measure the construct. The Awareness subscale was found to be reliable at (α = 0.769). Media awareness was measured on a 5-point scale, with 0 indicating not at all, 1 indicating a little bit, 2 indicating moderately, 3 indicating quite a bit, and 4 indicating extremely. Sample questions from the survey included “I often think about negative events in the media involving police officers”; “Because of the media’s coverage, I think more when engaging suspects”; and “If/when I encounter a suspect of color, I think about the potential for things going wrong and being featured on local/national media.”

Acute Stress Disorder

To assess for acute stress, participants were asked to complete the National Stressful Events Survey Acute Stress Disorder Short Scale (NSESSS). The NSESSS is a nationally used brief survey that was normed and developed to assess acute stress among diverse populations. In the current research, acute stress was measured on a 5-point scale, with 0 indicating not at all, 1 indicating a little bit, 2 indicating moderately, 3 indicating quite a bit, and 4 indicating extremely. Sample questions from the survey included “Feeling very emotionally upset when something reminded you of a stressful experience?” and “Being extremely irritable or angry to the point where you yelled at other people, got into fights, or destroyed things?”.

Results

PTSD

PTSD and Years of Experience

A multiple linear regression analysis was conducted to understand the relationship between PTSD and years of experience as a police officer. Results of the analysis suggested there was a significant relationship among the variables. As predicted, officers with more years of experience presented higher rates of PTSD symptoms.

For each additional year of experience, there was a 0.287 standard deviation increase in PTSD symptoms (Table 1).

Table 1 Regression analysis for variables predicting number of PTSD symptoms (N = 147)
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Media Awareness

Identity and Media Awareness

Results of the data suggested that officers with inflated identities (e.g., high regard for their role as a member of law enforcement) had higher levels of media awareness (F(1, 44) = 37.996, p < 0.001), with an R-squared of 0.463. For each additional 1-point increase in law enforcement identity composite score, there was a 1.047 increase in media awareness. See Table 2 and Fig. 2.

Table 2 Regression analysis for identity as law enforcement predicting media awareness (N = 147)
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Years of Experience and Media Awareness

Years of experience was negatively correlated with media awareness (F(1, 44) = 4.425, p = 0.041), with an R-squared of 0.091. For each additional year of law enforcement experience, there was a 0.029 decrease in media awareness (Table 3).

Table 3 Regression analysis for years of law experience predicting media awareness (N = 147)
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Stress and Police Identity

Stress and Identity as Law Enforcement

A simple linear regression was calculated to predict stress based on law enforcement identity and media awareness (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2). With respect to stress and identity (Table 4), the results of the analysis were statistically significant (F(1, 44) = 17.314, p < 0.001), with an R-squared of 0.282. Stress increased by 0.281 (0.531 standard deviations) for each 1-point scale increase in the law enforcement identity. A simple linear regression was also calculated to predict stress based on media awareness. Results of the analysis were statistically significant (F(1, 44) = 74.422, p < 0.001), with an R-squared of 0.628 (Table 5). Stress increased by 0.644 points for each additional point of media awareness.

Fig. 1
figure 1

Regression analysis for law enforcement identity association with high stress levels. This figure illustrates law enforcement identity was positively associated with stress levels

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Fig. 2
figure 2

Regression analysis for media awareness association with high stress levels. This figure illustrates media awareness is positively associated with stress levels

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Table 4 Regression analysis for law enforcement identity predicting stress (N = 147)
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Table 5 Regression analysis for media awareness predicting stress (N = 147)
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Results of the model also revealed multicollinearity among the variables law enforcement identity and media awareness. To that end, instead of including both variables in the model, law enforcement identity was used instead to avoid issues of multicollinearity.

Discussion

Law enforcement officers are subjected to extreme occupational hazards on a continued basis. Because of the constant exposure to violence and death, many perceive the daily activities associated with law enforcement as “just a part of the job.” Because of the acceptance of repeated exposure to violence, death, and trauma, the extreme acts of policing have become normalized. The variance of duties and omnipresent reality of death and danger exposes officers to both acute and chronic stress (Anderson et al. 2002; Zhao et al. 2002). Research suggests the toll of such stress is directly related to adverse health conditions such as anxiety, depression, heart disease, stroke, and suicide (Bishopp and Boots 2014; Violanti et al. 2017).

The increasing rates of officer suicides and the continued declines in officers’ mental health are causing many in the law enforcement community grave concern. The current study adds to the literature by providing an enhanced understanding of stress and other emerging trends that negatively impact police officers’ mental health. The current study contributes to the literature by exploring the intersectionality between officers’ mental health and underlying factors that impact police officers’ behavior and thought processes. These were years of experience, perceived identity, media awareness, stress levels, and PTSD symptomatology.

The literature makes clear the connection between officer exposure to traumatic events and the susceptibility to PTSD and declines in mental health. However, missing from the literature is the impact of years of experience, perceived identity, and social media. The impact of social media, years of experience, and officers’ perceived identity provides insight beyond officers’ mental health.

Very few professions are under constant review and are subjected to intense scrutiny by the public and the media. In large part, police officers are not trained to develop the soft skills and tools needed to navigate the external pressures of the media and public. Results of the current study suggest that the impact of media awareness is pervasive and has a systemic impact in multiple areas of law enforcement. Intuitively, it makes sense that officers with inflated identities and fewer years of experience would exhibit higher levels of media awareness. Accordingly, data from the current study suggest that officers with a greater amount of experience appear to be less concerned by the media, while younger, less experienced officers appear to be more concerned.

Being a police officer is a highly stressful profession. The services officers are expected to provide range from minimum to extreme. In the span of just a few minutes, officers can vacillate from rescuing a drowning cat to apprehending an active shooter in a large public setting. Seemingly, in addition to their other duties, officers are now expected to assimilate the pressures of social media and coexist in environments where officers are viewed as a part of the problem—rather than the solution. These additional factors serve as additional points of stress for police officers, exacerbating preexisting stressors and mental health conditions.

Results of the current study mirror recent trends by elucidating the relationship between media awareness and increase officer stress. Based on the results of the current study, officers who reported higher levels of media awareness and identity as a member of law enforcement also reported higher levels of stress. Understanding the relationship between the media, officers’ identity, and stress is important as the expectations placed on officers are continuing to increase and the routine tasks associated with policing are becoming more public. Hence, the lines between the police and the public are becoming blurred as social media now presides as the court of public opinion without due process.

Because the current study is exploratory in nature, there are several notable limitations. First, a larger sample size is needed to improve the generalizability of the results. Secondly, although reliable, more research is needed to better understand officer identity and media awareness. Further, more research is also needed to understand how the variables interact with each other and if there are any mitigating variables that might impact the strength of the relationships.

Conclusion

The goal of the present work was to explain how awareness of media perceptions, along with other impactful stressors, collectively, impacts an officer’s mental health and overall well-being. Moreover, despite being regarded as indestructible, impenetrable, and superheroes, police officers are human beings who have families, weakness, insecurities, and problems much like those found in the general population. Though some may consider the prior statement as a reason to excuse officers’ misbehavior, it is intended to highlight how policing creates abnormal stress resulting in maladaptive behaviors.

Mental health is a chronic disease that is germane and ever present in the law enforcement community. The effects of police officers’ mental health are having a profound impact on communities around the world. Despite all efforts to “normalize” police officers as everyday citizens, for many, police officers will always be regarded as superheroes and saviors of the day. However, as our heroes continue to fall victim to limpid battles fought in darkness and isolation, who will be there to save our superheroes as they take on life’s greatest challenge, themselves? Depression, stress, isolation, and fear are among the greatest existential threats impacting police officers. To save our superheroes, there needs to be greater funding and mental health programs embedded within police departments to change the culture and disposition of officers’ perceptions regarding seeking help. This should include mandatory counseling visits and in-house case managers to assist and support officers when faced with challenges accessing needed resources.