¹ Brown, Peter, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), esp. 86–105CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

² For a brief summary of the papal assertation of the canonization process, see Vauchez, André, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 22–57, 109–112Google Scholar.

³ For a valuable summary of the scholarly discussion on the idea of reviving the Kingdom of Poland, see Drelicharz, Wojciech, Unifying of the Kingdom of Poland in Medieval Historiographic Thought (Kraków, Poland: Towarszystwo Naukowe Societas Vistulana, 2019), 11–25Google Scholar.

⁴ Stanislava Kuzmova, Preaching Saint Stanislaus. Medieval Sermons on Saint Stanislaus of Cracow. His Image and Cult (Warsaw: DiG, 2013); Writing History in Medieval Poland: Bishop Vincentius of Cracow and the Chronica Polonorum, ed. Darius von Guttner-Sporzyński (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepolis, 2017); Drelicharz, Unifying of the Kingdom of Poland in Medieval Historiographic Thought.

⁵ A valuable collection of various approaches to the phenomenon of the cult of saints manipulated by bishops, urban communes, and ruling dynasties to strengthen societal cohesion can be found in Cuius Patrocinio Tota Gaudet Regio. Saints’ Cult and the Dynamics of Regional Cohesion, eds. S. Kuzmová, A. Marinković, and T. Vedriś (Zagreb, Croatia: Hagiotheca, 2014).

⁶ Cushing, Kathleen, Reform and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century: Spirituality and Social Change (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

⁷ The twelfth-century chronicler Gallus Anonymus names Cracow as one of the three “sedes regni principales.” Cronicae et Gesta Ducum sive Principum Polonorum -Anonima tzw. Galla Kronika czyli dzieje książąt i władców polskich, ed. Karol Małczyński, Monumenta Poloniae Historica nova series [hereafter cited as MPHsn], 2 (Kraków, 1952), I, 17, 75. In 1210, Pope Innocent III emphasized the status of Cracow as the capital city of the Piast senior province. See Kodeks dyplomatyczny Małoposki [The Diplomatic Codex of Lesser Poland], ed. Franciszek Piekosiński, vol. 1, in Monumenta Medii Aevi Historica, vol. 3 (Kraków, Poland: Akademia Umiejętności w Krakowie, 1876) [hereafter cited as KDM 1], no. 6, 12.

⁸ Jacek Maciejewski provides valuable insight into various political and social factors determining the hierarchy of Polish bishoprics before the end of the fourteenth century. See “Precedencja biskupow prowincji gnieźnieńskiej w Polsce Piastowskiej” [„Precedence of the Bishops in the Gniezno Province in Piast Poland”], Nasza Przeszłość 99 (2003): 5–26.

⁹ For a society seeking comfort in miracles during the crises of the fourteenth century, see Goodich, Michael E., Violence and Miracle in the Fourteenth Century: Private Grief and Public Salvation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), esp. 25–30, 121–146Google Scholar. For an outline of major political changes taking place in high medieval Poland, see Jurek, Tomasz and Kizik, Edmund, Historia Polski do 1572 (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, 2013), esp. 98–119, 161–188, 257–274Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For Bolesław the Wrymouth's decision to divide his realm into provincial duchies and the consequences of a rotating system of accession to the principal territorial domain, see Jarosław Wenta, “O stróżach testamentu Bolesława Krzywoustego” [“On the Guardians of Bolesław the Wrymouth's Testament”], in Społeczeństwo Polski średniowiecznej, vol. 8, ed. Stefan Kuczyński (Warsaw: PWN, 1996), 67–77; Jacek Osiński, Statut Bolesława Krzywoustego [The Statute of Bolesław the Wrymouth] (Kraków, Poland: Wydawnictwo Avalon, 2014). Also see an elaborate and polemical review of the monograph by Mateusz Kosonowski in Czasopismo Prawno-Historyczne 67 (2015): 237–269.

¹¹ Edward Skibinski, “Walka o władze w kronice Mistrza Wincentego. Mieszko Stary i Kazimierz Sprawiedliwy” [“Struggle for Rulership in the Chronicle of Master Vincentius: Mieszko the Old and Casimir the Just”], in Onus Athlanteum. Studia nad Kroniką biskupa Wincentego, eds. Andrzej Dabrowka and Witold Wojtowicz (Warsaw: Instytut Badań Literackich, 2009), 47–56.

¹² A more comprehensive study of Casimir the Just's political objectives, relations with the church, and circumstances of his rebellion can be found in Józef Dobosz, Kazimierz II Sprawiedliwy [Casimir II the Just] (Poznań, Poland: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie, 2011), 81–101.

¹³ Krzysztof Skwierczyński, Recepcja idei gregorianskich w Polsce do poczatku XIII wieku wieku [The Reception of the Gregorian Ideas in Poland to the Beginning of the 13th Century] (Wrocław, Poland: Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Mikołaja Kopernika, 2005), esp. pages 211–242. Studies concentrated on the martyrdom of the Cracovian bishop have avoided the larger context of the Gregorian reforms. In the postwar rich Polish historiography on the topic, see, among others, Roman Grodecki, Sprawa Św Stanisława [The St. Stanisław Affair] (Kraków, Poland: Wydawnictwo Literackie Kraków, 1979); Tadeusz Grudziński, Bolesław Śmiały-Szczodry i biskup Stanisław. Dzieje konfliktu, trans. by Lech Petrowicz as Bolesław the Bold, Called Also the Bountiful and Bishop Stanislaus Stanisław: The Story of a Conflict (Warsaw: Interpress Publishers, 1985); Gerard Labuda, Święty Stanisław biskup krakowski, patron Polski. Śladami zabójstwa – męczeństwa – kanonizacji [St. Stanisław: Bishop of Cracow, Patron of Poland: In the Paths of Murder, Martyrdom, and Canonization] (Poznań, Poland: UAM, 2000); and a critical response to the study by Bolesław Przybyszewski, Święty Stanisław. Biskup męczennik. (Sprawa świętego Stanisława. Bibliografia. Legenda. Kult. Ikonografia. Polemika z Gerardem Labudą) [Saint Stanislaw: Bishop-Martyr (The St. Stanisław Affair: Bibliography, Legend, Cult, Iconography. A Polemic with Gerard Labuda)] (Rzeszów-Łańcut, Poland: The Arte, 2005). Labuda's response to the polemic can be found in “Wznowienie dyskursu w sprawie męczeństwa i świętości biskupa krakowskiego Stanisława,” [“A Resumption of a Discourse in the Matter of the Martyrdom and Sainthood of the Cracovian Bishop Stanislaw”], Nasza Przeszłość 108 (2007): 5–57.

¹⁴ Ian Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest (Manchester, UK: Homes & Meier Pub, 1978), 142–151; Tadeusz Ulewicz, ”O średniowiecznych związkach kulturalnych Polski z Bolonią” [“On Poland's Medieval Cultural Relations with Bologna”], Ruch Literacki 30 (1989): 200–201; Krzysztof Ozóg, “Formacja intelektualna biskupów krakowskich w średniowieczu” [“The Intellectual Formation of the Cracovian Bishops in the Middle Ages”], in Cracovia-Polonia-Europa, ed. Krzysztof Baczkowski (Kraków, Poland: Secesja, 1995), 163–164; Skwierczyński, Recepcja idei gregorianskich w Polsce do początku XIII wieku, 263–268.

¹⁵ For the pioneering and continuously useful outline of the corporate concept of Christian society, see Gierke, Otto, Political Theories of the Middle Ages (Boston: Beacon Press, 1958), 22–30Google Scholar. See also Black, Anthony, Political Thought in Europe, 1250–1450 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 14–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁶ The competition between the sees of Gniezno and Cracow for primacy in the Polish church has attracted scholarly attention in a restricted dimension, mainly in the context of two crucial political events: the abolition of the rule of Mieszko the Old of Greater Poland in Cracow in 1177 and the revival of royal coronation in Gniezno in 1295. Among others, see Janusz Bieniak, ”Polska elita polityczna XII wieku, arbitrarzy książąt – zmierzch” [“The Polish Political Elite of the Twelfth Century, Ducal Arbitrators—a Decline”], in Społeczeństwo Polski średniowiecznej, ed. Stefan Kuczyński (Warsaw: DiG, 2001), 9, 12–13, 22–23, 46; and Tomasz Jurek, “Przygotowania do koronacji Przemysła II” [“Preparations for the Coronation of Przemysł the Second”], in Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowa (Poznań, Poland: Instytut Historii UAM, 1997), 172.

¹⁷ Kronika Thietmara, ed. August Bielowski, in Monumenta Poloniae Historica [hereafter cited as MPH] (Lwów, Poland, 1864), 1:288, translated by David A. Warner as Ottonian Germany: The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg (Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2001), 183; Jerzy Wyrozumski, ”Zagadnienie początków biskupstwa krakowskiego” [“The Problem of the Origins of the Bishopric of Cracow”], in Chrystanizacja Polski południowej, ed. Jan M. Małecki (Kraków, Poland: Secesja, 1994), 121–130.

¹⁸ Agnieszka Kuzmiuk-Ciekanowska, “Świety Wojciech wraca do Pragi – Relacja Kosmasa o przeniesieniu relikwii świetego biskupa” [“St. Adalbert Returns to Prague: Cosmas’ Account of Transferring the Relics of the Saintly Bishop”], Historia Slavorum Occidentis 2 (2012): 94–103.

¹⁹ Kazimierz Dobrowolski, Dzieje kultu św. Floriana w Polsce do połowy XVI wieku [The History of the Cult of Saint Florian in Poland to the Second Half of the Sixteenth Century] (Warsaw: Kasa im. J. Mianowskiego, 1923), 13–17; Jerzy Wyrozumski, ”Skąd pochodził krakowski św. Florian?” [“Where Did the Cracovian Saint Florian Come From?”], Rocznik Krakowski 64 (1998): 53. The words of the late-fourteenth-century anonymous author of Translatio sancti floriani recount that before the arrival of Florian's remains Gedko had complained that “in episcopatu sue ecclesie nullum haberet sanctum huius regni adiutorem et protectorem . . .” should be seen as a desperate attempt to explain the bishop's campaign for acquiring the relics. “Translatio sancti floriani,” ed. Wojciech Kętrzyński, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1884), 4: 757, 759.

²⁰ An annalist of the cathedral chapter noted: “Sanctus Florianus martir per Egydium episcopum Mutinensem apportatur et per Gedkonem episcopum Cracoviensem devotissime suscipitur.” Rocznik kapituly krakowskiej [Annals of the Cracow cathedral chapter], ed. Zofia Kozłowska-Budkowa, in Najdawniejsze roczniki krakowskie i kalendarz, Monumenta Poloniae Historica nova series, MPHsn (Warsaw, 1978) [hereafter cited as RKK], 5: 65. Also see ”Kalendarz katedry krakowskiej” [“Calendar of the Cracovian Cathedral”], ed. Zofia Kozłowska-Budkowa, MPHsn (Warszawa, 1978), 5: 131; Rocznik Traski [Traska Annals], ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1872), 2: 834–835; Rocznik małopolski [Annals of Lesser Poland], ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1878), 3: 160.

²¹ Magistri Vincenti dicti Kadlubek Chronica Polonorum, ed. M. Plezia, Monumenta Poloniae Historica nova series, vol. 11 (Kraków: Secesja, 1994) [hereafter cited as Chronica Polonorum], Book IV, 9, 150.

²² RKK, 5: 65. Also, see Wojciech Mischke, “Relacje dziejów katedry wawelskiej i kultu św. Stanisława” [“Accounts of the History of the Wawel Cathedral and the Cult of St. Stanisław”], in Katedra krakowska w Średniowieczu, eds. J. Daramowska-Łukaszewska and K. Kuczman (Kraków, Poland: Djot, 1996), 154–155.

²³ Chronica Polonorum, IV, 16–19, 168–169.

²⁴ Rocznik Traski, 835; Rocznik małopolski, 160. Długosz's information about the ducal origin of the Cistercian Koprzywnica has met with strong criticism. Jan Długosz, Liber beneficiorum diocesis Cracoviensis, 3 vols., ed. Aleksander Przeździecki, in Opera Omnia, 7–9 (Kraków, Poland, 1864), 3: 375–376. According to Kazimierz Dobrowolski, Dzieje kultu Św. Floriana w Polsce do połowy XVI wieku, 37, the initiative came from Comes Nicholas who, nonetheless, belonged to the baronial circle at the ducal court. See Zofia Kozłowka-Budkowa and Stanisław Szczur, “Dzieje opactwa w Koprzywnicy do końca XIV wieku” [“The History of the Koprzywnica Abbey to the End of the Fourteenth Century”], Nasza Przeszłość 60 (1983): 72.

²⁵ KDM 1, no. 93, 109–111.

²⁶ Rocznik małopolski, 160; Katalogi biskupów krakowskich. Katalog Długosza [The Catalogs of the Cracovian Bishops. Długosz's Catalog], ed. Józef Szymański, MPHsn (Warsaw: PWN, 1974), 10: 48, 57, 89; Długosz, Liber beneficiorum diocesis Cracoviensis, 1: 477. The theory that the district of Kleparz, where the church was erected, belonged to the bishop has been presented by Stanisław Zachorowski, ”Kraków biskupi” [“Episcopal Cracow”], Rocznik Krakowski 8 (1906): 113–114.

²⁷ Dobrowolski, 43–45.

²⁸ Kodeks dyplomatyczny katedry krakowskiej św. Wacława, 1166–1366 [The Diplomatic Codex of the Cracovian Cathedral of St. Wacław, 1166–1366], ed. Franciszek Piekosiński, vol. 1, Monumenta Medii Aevi Historica (Kraków, Poland, 1874) (hereafter cited as KDKK), no. 3, 6–7. Also see, Stanisław Szczur, ”Kościół krakowski a stolica apostolska we wczesnym średniowieczu” [“The Church of Cracow and the Apostolic See in the Early Middle Ages”], Anacleta Cracoviensia 32 (2000): 52–53.

²⁹ The usage of the term “in festo s. Floriani” on charters may only reveal the importance of the feast in the official church calendar. It is not an indication of how the public responded to institutional directives. See, for example, KDM 1, no. 19, 25; KDM 1, no 20, 26; KDM 1, no. 72, 88–89; Kodeks dyplomatyczny Małopolski [The dyplomatic codex of Lesser Poland], ed. Franciszek Piekosiński, vol. 2, in Monumenta Medii Aevi Historica, vol. 9 (Kraków, Poland: Akademia Umiejętności, 1886) (hereafter cited as KDM 2), no. 479, 133.

³⁰ KDM 2, no. 385, 27–28; Dobrowolski, 48.

³¹ Kuzmova, Preaching Saint Stanislaus, 37–39, casts some light on the model of episcopal leadership as exemplified by Saint Stanisław. Chronicles and hagiographic texts reveal the contradictory virtues of assertive leadership and charisma, on one side, and humility, austerity, and meditation on the other.

³² For a concise summary of the formal recognition of episcopal sainthood, see Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, 285–310.

³³ For the place of the chronicle in the tradition of sustaining the idea of a unified Poland, see Drelicharz, Unifying of the Kingdom of Poland in Medieval Historiographic Thought, 75–94. Józef Dobosz, “Motives and Inspirations: An Exploration of When and Why the Chronica Polonorum Was Written,” in Writing History in Medieval Poland: Bishop Vincentius of Cracow and the Chronica Polonorum, ed. Darius von Guttner-Sporzyński (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepolis, 2017), 54–58, has stressed the numerous political crises and miliary conflicts during the late twelfth century as an inspiration to write a chronicle advocating dynastic unity and justice. For the political and family background of Vincentius's episcopal tenure and ideas, see Janusz Bieniak, “Mistrz Wincenty w życiu politycznym Polski przełomu XII i XIII wieku” [“Master Vincentius in the Political Life of Poland at the Turn of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries”], in Mistrz Wincenty Kadłubek. Człowiek i dzieło, pośmiertny kult i legenda. Materiały sesji naukowej – Kraków, 10 marca 2000, ed. Krzysztof Prokop (Kraków, Poland: PAU, 2001), 21–48.

³⁴ Wincenty z Kielc, “Vita sancti Stanislai episcopi Cracoviensis. Vita minor,” ed. Wojciech Kętrzyński, MPH 4 (Lwów, Poland, 1884), 253–254; “Vita maior,” 4, 366–367. Marian Plezia has suggested that Bishop Ivo's last trip to the papal court in 1229 may have been the first formal effort to initiate the beatification process for Bishop Stanisław (”Dookoła sprawy Św. Stanisława,” 357). This idea is based on the assumption that Ivo sought papal permission to elevate the see of Cracow to an archbishopric. The canonization of his martyred predecessor was one of the ideological justifications for this ambitious policy. Also see Jerzy Rajman, ”Przedkanoniczny kult Świetego Stanisława” [“The Pre-Canonized Cult of St. Stanisław”], Nasza Przeszłość 80 (1993): 39.

³⁵ In “Vita minor,” the hagiographer reports the existence of the foundations of Stanisław's home, a recently crumbled local parish church and a noble family that claimed ancestry from the saint (253–254).

³⁶ Vauchez, 47–48, 177–180, 505–507.

³⁷ The late-thirteenth-century Polish annalists were already familiar with the Vitae of Saint Stanisław. See Kętrzyński's comparison of the texts. “Vita maior,” 342–343.

³⁸ Chronica Polonorum, II, 20, 57–58.

³⁹ For the chronology of writing the two Vitae, compare Marian Plezia, “Dookoła sprawy Św. Stanisława,” 358, with Danuta Borawska, Z dziejów pewnej legendy. W sprawie genezy kultu Św. Stanisława biskupa [From the History of a Certain Legend. In the Matter of the Genesis of the Cult of Bishop St. Stanisław] (Warsaw: Nakładem Towarzystwa Miłośników Historii, 1950), 49–52; and Gerard Labuda, ”Twórczość hagiograficzna i historiograficzna Wincentego z Kielc” [“The Hagiographic and Historiographic Oeuvre of Vincentius of Kielce”], Studia Źrodłoznawcze 16 (1971): 107–111.

⁴⁰ “Vita maior,” 363.

⁴¹ For the papal bulls calling for commissions that would probe the merits of Stanisław's miracles, see RKK, 805; and KDKK, no. 33, 41–42.

⁴² According to Vincentius of Kielce, Cracow was “urbs et sedis regia”: “Vita maior,” 27, 393. Also see Chronica Polonorum, II, 20, 57–58. For the cult's ideological contribution to the unification of the Polish realm in the late thirteenth century, see Marian Plezia, ”Rola kultu Św. Stanisława w zjednoczeniu Państwa Polskiego na przełomie XIII i XIV wieku” [“The Role of the Cult of St. Stanisław in the Unification of the Polish State at the Turn of the Fourteenth Century], W Drodze 7 (1979): 15–21. Also see Plezia, ”Dookoła sprawy Św. Stanisława,” 366. Drelicharz, 147–153, 173–180, suggests that Vincentius's hagiographic accounts should be read in the context of two different political projects. The Bohemian King Ottokar II demonstrated the idea of a unity between Poland and Bohemia largely dependent on his amicable relations with Bishop Prandota., while the ecclesiastical elite in Cracow preferred to stress the unity of the Piast dukes to rebuild monarchy.

⁴³ ”Vita maior,” 27, 393.

⁴⁴ Rajman, 20. Marian Plezia, “Wincenty z Kielc. Historyk Polski z pierwszej polowy XIII wieku” [“Vincentius of Kielce, Historian of Poland from the First Half of the Thirteenth Century”], Studia Źródłoznawcze 7 (1962): 20, argues that the tenure of Bishop Wisław was a mere interval in an effort to canonize Stanisław because the hagiographic material does not express any complaints about the negligence of the matter by Wisław's predecessors in the episcopal see.

⁴⁵ Katalogi biskupów krakowskich, 61; DA, vol. 3, lib. 6, 256–257.

⁴⁶ “Vita maior,” 7, 399; Miracula, Art. XIII, 82–83 (”Vita maior,” 34, 417); Miracula, Art. XXVII, 104–105 (”Vita maior,” 5, 397–398); and Miracula, Art. XXXV, 116–119 (“Vita maior,” 4, 395–396).

⁴⁷ KDKK, no. 30, 38–39; no. 31, 39–40.

⁴⁸ KDM 2, no. 432, 81–82.

⁴⁹ KDKK, no. 33, 41. This request exemplifies the positive results of cooperation among various segments of religious entities. Rocznik Krasińskich notes that it was the canons and subprior of Cracovian Dominicans who delivered the official request to the pope. Rocznik Krasińskich, ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1878), 3: 132.

⁵⁰ The members of the Cracovian mendicants joined the delegations sent to Rome and personally carried the canonization bull to Cracow in 1253. See RKK, 83–84, Rocznik Krasińskich, 132; Kronika wielkopolska, 105, 101.

⁵¹ For Stanisław's miracles, see the hagiographic Vita maior written around the time of the canonization. Wincenty z Kielc, ”Vita maior,” ed. Wojciech Kętrzyński, MPH 4 (Lwów, Poland: Nakładem Akademii Umiejętności w Krakowie, 1884), 362–438; and the collection edited by Zbigniew Perzanowski who supplemented the incomplete collection of miracles from the 1252 report of legate Jacob of Velletri with the six additional miracles that can only be found in Vincentius of Kielce's Vita maior. See “Cuda Św. Stanisława” (Miracula sancti Stanislai), ed. Zbigniew Perzanowski, trans. Janina Pleziowa, Analecta Cracoviensia 11 (1979) (hereafter cited as Miracula), 47–141. For a discussion about the source of the hagiographer's text, see 59–68. Cures came from touching the ring, being blessed with it, or from water in which the ring had been earlier submerged. For Vincentius's general statement about the power of the ring, see “Vita maior,” 24, 390. For specific miracles, see Miracula, Art. XIII, 82–83 (“Vita maior,” 34, 417); Miracula, Art. XVI, 86–88 (“Vita maior,” 39, 419–420; Miracula, Art. XVII, 88–89; Miracula, Art. XXIV, 100–101 (“Vita maior,” 36, 418); Miracula, Art. XXVII, 104–107 (“Vita maior,” 5, 397–398); Miracula, Art. XXXIII, 114–115 (“Vita maior,” 31, 414–415); Miracula, Art. XXXV, 116–119; Miracula, Art. XXXIX, 122–123 (“Vita maior,” 37, 418–419); Miracula, Art. XLIII, 128–131 (“Vita maior,” 21, 407–408).

⁵² Jerzy Rajman, 30, argues that the presence of the ring in the cathedral indicates an earlier interest in Stanisław's tomb accompanied by its opening and the production of a new commemorative plate.

⁵³ Miracula, Art VI, 72–74 (“Vita maior,” 29, 412–413); Miracula, Art. XI, 80–81 (“Vita maior,” 13, 404); Miracula, Art. XVIII, 90–91 (“Vita maior,” 41, 421); Miracula, Art. XXVII, 104–107 (“Vita maior,” 5, 397–398), Miracula, Art. XLI, 124–127 (“Vita maior,” 6, 398–399); Miracula, Art. XLII, 126–129 (“Vita maior,” 32, 415–416); Miracula, Art. XLIV, 130–133 (“Vita maior,” 22, 408–409).

⁵⁴ Rocznik kapituły poznańskiej [The Annals of the Poznań Chapter], ed. Brygida Kurbis, MPHsn, (Warsaw, 1962), 6: 34; Kronika wielkopolska [The Chronicle of Greater Poland], ed. Brygida Kurbis, MPHsn, (Warsaw, 1970), 8: 101, 105.

⁵⁵ KDKK, no. 38, 48–51; RKK, 83–84; Rocznik Krasińskich [The Krasińkis’ Annals], MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1878), 3: 132. For the Curia's last request to provide more proof of miracles, see Innocent IV's bull dated May 26, 1252; KDKK, no. 33, 41–42. Also see Wincenty z Kielc, “Vita sancti Stanislai episcopi Cracoviensis. Vita maior,” ed. Wojciech Ketrzyński, MPH 4, (Lwów, Poland: Nakładem Akademii Umiejętności w Krakowie, 1884) (hereafter cited as Vita maior), 54, 434–438. Gallus Anonymus writes: “Nemque enim traditorem episcopum excusamus, neque regem vindicatem sic se turpiter commendamus” (I, 27, 53). In his chronicle, Bishop Vincentius of Cracow remarks about the cruelty of a rightful king whom the bishop opposed for humanitarian reasons. For the Roman cardinals, this was not an unambiguous hagiographic proof of the bishop's appropriate treatment of his king. See Chronica Polonorum, II, 20, 56–57.

⁵⁶ KDKK, no. 66, 91.

⁵⁷ Vita maior, 37, 418–419.

⁵⁸ “Tumba Stanislai cineres tegit ista beati. Regis Boleslai quia non favit impietati. Martirio meritas celi migravit ad edes.” Jan Długosz, Johannis Dlugossii Annales seu Cronicae Incliti Regni Poloniae, 12 vols., ed. Jan Dąbrowski et al. (Warsaw and Kraków, Poland: PWN and PAU, 1964–2005) (hereafter as DA), 2: libri 3–4, 163–164. According to Marian Plezia, “Dookoła sprawy Św. Stanisława,” 326–329, the epitaph marked the translation of the relics of “Stanislai beati” from the original place of their burial at the Skałka church to a newly consecrated cathedral at the Wawel Hill in the early 1140s. Also Plezia, “Epitafium Świętego Stanisława w katedrze krakowskiej” [“The Epitaph of St. Stanisław in the Cracow cathedral”], Eos 57(1967–1968): 319.

⁵⁹ Katalogi biskupow krakowskich, 62–63.

⁶⁰ DA, vol. 4, lib. 7, 95–96.

⁶¹ Vincentius of Kielce joyfully acclaims: “Gaudeat Cracovia et maxime cathedralis ecclesia sui pastoris privilegiata gloria et sacri corporis dotata presencia ac virtutum ipsius illustrata triumphis, cui datur ex crebra principum et populi confluencia prerogativa privilegii singularis.” See “Vita maior,” 57, 438.

⁶² Rocznik Traski, 832; Rocznik krakowski, ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1878), 2: 832.

⁶³ For the Piast dukes’ crusader efforts in the Baltic region and the utility of the cult of Saint Adalbert in their early expansion in Pomerania and Prussia, see Mikołaj Gładysz, The Forgotten Crusaders: Poland and the Crusader Movement in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2002), esp. 89–95, 175–211, 269–287, 333–345; and Darius von Güttner-Sporzyński, Poland, Holy War, and the Piast Monarchy, 1100–1230 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2014), 182–184.

⁶⁴ The contemporary German chronicler Thietmar and Rocznik kapituły krakowskiej record Adalbert's brother Gaudentius as the first archbishop of Gniezno. Kronika Thietmara IV, 289; RKK, 44. According to Długosz, Adalbert briefly headed the see before his departure for Prussia. DA, vol. 2, libri 3–4, 214.

⁶⁵ For the imperial context of Adalbert's cult emphasizing the apostolic model and its crucial consequences for the rise of Gniezno as a new Christian center beyond the boundaries of the established Roman Church, see Michałowski, Roman, The Gniezno Summit: The Religious Premises of the Founding of the Archbishopric of Gniezno (Leiden, Netherlands, 2016), 95–182CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ Jadwiga Karwasińska, ”Świety Wojciech” [“Saint Adalbert”], in Polscy świeci, ed. Joachim R. Bar (Warszawa: Akademia Teologii Katolickiej, 1987), 11: 24; Gerard Labuda, Święty Wojciech: biskup-męczennik, patron Polski, Czech i Węgier [St. Adalbert: A Martyr, the Patron of Poland, Bohemia and Hungary] (Warsaw: Fundacja na Rzecz Nauki Polskiej, 2000). Also see Iben Fonnesberg-Schmidt, The Popes and the Baltic Crusades, 1147–1254 (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2006).

⁶⁷ Katalogi biskupow krakowskich, 164. In Vincentius's chronicle, Saint Adalbert already appeared as a patron who legitimized a formal alliance. Chronica Polonorum, IV, 18, 165–166. Saint Stanisław appears in the same function only in 1310 when Duke Władysław Łokietek granted a village to the cathedral of Cracow. KDKK, no. 117, 151–152.

⁶⁸ Rocznik Sędziwoja [The Sędziwoj Annals], ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1872), 2: 876; Rocznik Krasińskich [The Krasiński Annals], ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1872), 2: 131; Rocznik małopolski, 161; Katalogi biskupów krakowskich, 58.

⁶⁹ KDKK, no. 68, 93–94.

⁷⁰ Kodeks dyplomatyczny Wielkopolski [The Dyplomatic Codex of Greater Poland], ed. Franciszek Piekosiński, vol. 1 (Poznań, Poland, 1877–1878) (hereafter cited as KDW 1), no. 551, 511.

⁷¹ “Vita sanctae Hedvigis,” ed. Alexander Semkowicz, MPH (Warsaw, 1961), 4: 640; Joseph Gottschalk, Hedwig von Andechs, Herzogin von Schlesien (Feiburg, Germany, 1982), 119; Kazimierz Bobowski, “Fundacja i początki klasztoru cysterek w Trzebnicy” [“The Foundation and Beginnings of the Cistercian Monastery in Trzebnica”], in Studia historyczne. Ustrój, Kościół, militaria, ed. K. Bobowski (Wrocław, Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1993), 31.

⁷² Vauchez, 499–505.

⁷³ “Vita sanctae Hedvigis,” 524, 543.

⁷⁴ Ibid., 514–516.

⁷⁵ DA, vol. 4, lib. 7, 406–407; Bullarium Poloniae, eds. Irena Sułkowska-Kuraś and Stanisław Kuraś, vol. 1 (Rome: École française de Rome, 1982) [hereafter cited as BP], no. 781, 146.

⁷⁶ “Vita Sanctae Hedwigis,” 630–635.

⁷⁷ BP, no. 781, 146.

⁷⁸ The cult can be cast in the context of dynastic competition and tradition. In Lesser Poland, Duchess Cunegund advocated, although with a limited success, for the holiness of her sister-in-law Salome. Gabor Klaniczay, Holy Rulers and Blessed Princesses: Dynastic Cults in Medieval Central Europe (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 220–223, 251–254.

⁷⁹ “Vita Sanctae Hedwigis,” 573. For the origin of the Vita, see Romuald Kaczmarek and Jacek Witkowski, ”Dzieje relikwii i relikwiarza Świętej Jadwigi” [“A History of Relics and Reliquaries of St. Hedwig”], in Święta Jadwiga śląska (ok. 1174–1243), ed. Tadeusz Krupiński (Wrocław, Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1993), 32.

⁸⁰ KDKK, no. 66, 91.

⁸¹ RKK, 82–84; Kronika wielkopolska, 105, 101.

⁸² BP, no. 588, 113. For the former, see KDKK, no. 45, 63; BP, no. 597, 114 and KDKK, no. 51, 67. For the latter, see BP, no. 589, 113 and KDKK, no. 46, 63–64. Also see BP, no. 590, 113; no. 593, 114; no. 599, 115.

⁸³ KDKK, no. 53, 69.

⁸⁴ Duke Bolesław II's men kidnapped the bishop on October 2, 1256. See RKK, 86; DA, vol. 4, lib. 7, 106–108.

⁸⁵ KDW 1, no. 361, 321–322.

⁸⁶ Rocznik kapituły poznańskiej, ed. Brygida Kurbis, MPHsn (Warsaw, PWN, 1962), 6: 41; Kronika wielkopolska [Greater Poland Chronicle], ed. Brygida Kurbis, in MPHsn (Warsaw: PWN, 1970), 8: 105–107, 116; BP, no. 610, 117.

⁸⁷ DA, vol. 4, lib. 7, 111–113. Also see Kronika wielkopolska, 120, 109–110.

⁸⁸ BP, no. 778, 145. Romuald Kaczmarek and Jacek Witkowski, ”Dzieje relikwii i relikwiarza Świętej Jadwigi” [“A History of Relics and Reliquaries of St. Hedwig”], in Świata Jadwiga śląska (ok. 1174–1243)], ed. Tadeusz Krupiński (Wrocław, Poland: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 1993), 32–36.

⁸⁹ RKK, 93–95.

⁹⁰ KDW 1, no. 429, 379–380; Ignacy Subera, Synody prowincjonalne arcybiskupów gnieznieńskich [Provincial Synods of the Archbishops of Gniezo] (Warsaw: Akademia Teologii Katolickiej, 1981), 48.

⁹¹ Jerzak Norbert, “Zabiegi biskupa Tomasza II o auxilium brachii secularis przeciw księciu Henrykowi IV Probusowi w 1287 roku” [“Bishop Thomas II's Striving for Auxilium Brachii Secularis against Duke Henry IV Probus in 1287”], Wrocławski Przegląd Teologiczny 24 (2016): 203–212.

⁹² Bronisław Nowacki, Przemysł II 1257–1296. Odnowiciel korony polskiej [Przemysł II, 1257–1296, Restorer of the Polish Crown] (Poznań, Poland: Instytut Historii UAM, 1997), 127; and “Zabiegi o zjednoczenie państwa i koronację królewską w latach 1284 i 1285 na tle rywalizacji Przemysła II z Henrykiem IV Prawym” [“Seeking a Unification of the State and the Royal Crown in the Years 1284 and 1285], in Przemysł II. Odnowienie Królestwa Polskiego, ed. J. Krzyżaniakowa (Poznań: Institut Historii UAM, 1997), 153–160.

⁹³ KDW II, no. 645. Rocznik Traski, 2: 853. For a summary of a historiographical debate about the inspiration, meaning, and legality of Przemysł's coronation, see Jarosław Nikodem, “Kontrowersje wokół przygotowań do koronacji Przemysła II” [“Controversies about Preparations for the Coronation of Przemysł II”], Kwartalnik Historyczny 112 (2005): 111–134.

⁹⁴ Rocznik Kujawski [Annals of Kujavia], ed. August Bielowski, MPH (Lwów, Poland, 1878), 3: 209; Aleksander Swieżawski, Przemysł – król Polski [Przemysł—King of Poland] (Warszawa: DiG, 2006), 129–136, 139–143.

⁹⁵ Tomasz Nowakowski, Małopolska elita władzy wobec rywalizacji o tron krakowski w latach 1288–1306 [The Elite of Lesser Poland in the Presence of the Rivalry for the Cracow Throne in the Years 1288–1306] (Bydgoszcz, Poland: WSP, 1992), 83–84, traces Muskata's participation in the succession crisis in Wrocław in 1290 and his presence at the ducal and episcopal courts in Silesia around that time.

⁹⁶ AV, no. 111, 69–71; Tomasz Pietras, Krwawy wilk z pastorałem. Biskup krakowski Jan zwany Muskatą [The Bloody Wolf with a Crosier. The Bishop of Cracow, Jan Called Muskata] (Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Semper, 2001), 74.

⁹⁷ KDM 2, no. 547, 215–216.

⁹⁸ BP, no. 1010, 184.