Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-vfjqv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-25T23:16:55.030Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

From Mind to Matter: Patterns of Innovation in the Archaeological Record and the Ecology of Social Learning

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 December 2023

Kathryn Demps*
Affiliation:
Department of Anthropology, Boise State University, Boise, ID, USA
Nicole M. Herzog
Affiliation:
Department of Anthropology, University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA
Matt Clark
Affiliation:
Ecology, Evolution, and Behavior Program, Boise State University, Boise, ID, USA
*
Corresponding author: Kathryn Demps; Email: kathryndemps@boisestate.edu
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Archaeology and cultural evolution theory both predict that environmental variation and population size drive the likelihood of inventions (via individual learning) and their conversion to population-wide innovations (via social uptake). We use the case study of the adoption of the bow and arrow in the Great Basin to infer how patterns of cultural variation, invention, and innovation affect investment in new technologies over time and the conditions under which we could predict cultural innovation to occur. Using an agent-based simulation to investigate the conditions that manifest in the innovation of technology, we find the following: (1) increasing ecological variation results in a greater reliance on individual learning, even when this decreases average fitness due to the costs of learning; (2) decreasing population size increases variability in the types of learning strategies that individuals use; among smaller populations drift-like processes may contribute to randomization in interpopulation cultural diffusion; (3) increasing the mutation rate affects the variability in learning patterns at different rates of environmental variation; and (4) increasing selection pressure increases the reliance on social learning. We provide an open-source R script for the model and encourage others to use it to test additional hypotheses.

Resume

Resume

Tanto la arqueología como la teoría de la evolución cultural pronostican que la variación ambiental y el tamaño de la población impulsan la probabilidad de invención (a través del aprendizaje individual) y su conversión en innovaciones para toda la población (a través de la aceptación social). Utilizamos el estudio de caso de la adopción del arco y la flecha en la Gran Cuenca para inferir cómo los patrones de variación, invención e innovación culturales afectan la inversión en nuevas tecnologías a lo largo del tiempo y las condiciones bajo las cuales podríamos pronosticar que ocurrirá innovación cultural. Exploramos este estudio de caso con una simulación basada en agentes para investigar las condiciones que se manifiestan en la innovación tecnológica. Encontramos que (1) Un incremento en la variación ecológica da como resultado una mayor dependencia del aprendizaje individual, incluso cuando esto disminuye la aptitud promedio debido a los costos del aprendizaje, (2) La disminución del tamaño de la población aumenta la variabilidad en los tipos de estrategias de aprendizaje que usan los individuos; entre poblaciones más pequeñas, los procesos tipo deriva pueden contribuir a la aleatorización en la difusión cultural entre poblaciones, (3) Un incremento en la tasa de mutación afecta la variabilidad en los patrones de aprendizaje en diferentes tasas de variación ambiental, y (4) Un incremento en la presión de selección aumenta la dependencia del aprendizaje social. Proporcionamos un script R de código abierto para el modelo y animamos a otros a utilizarlo para probar hipótesis adicionales.

Type
Article
Creative Commons
Creative Common License - CCCreative Common License - BYCreative Common License - NCCreative Common License - SA
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike licence (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the same Creative Commons licence is included and the original work is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use.
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for American Archaeology

In this field of research archaeologists are in an excellent position to make major contributions to the general field of anthropology, for we can work directly in terms of correlations of the structure of artifact assemblages with rates of style change, directions of style-spread, and stability of style continuity [Binford Reference Binford1962:220].

To understand evolutionary processes, we must understand the forces that act on an ecological time scale to affect cultural variation as it is carried through time by a succession of individuals [Boyd and Richerson Reference Boyd and Richerson1985:290].

Approximately 1,500 years ago a new technology swept through the North American Great Basin: the bow and arrow replaced the atlatl and dart as the hunting tool of choice, with corresponding changes in projectile point technology. Before the appearance of the bow and arrow, the atlatl and dart complex in the Great Basin had exhibited fairly little variation across a wide geographical expanse for thousands of years. In contrast, bow and arrow technology showed a greater degree of regional variability within a shorter period of time; points in central Nevada are more consistent in size and shape, whereas those from eastern California demonstrate considerably more variation. Bettinger and Eerkens (Reference Bettinger and Eerkens1999) hypothesized that the differences in form between the two regions, and within the California assemblages, derived from different ways of learning. People living in eastern California, who first adopted this technology and were only loosely connected with the bow and arrow's inventors, might have engaged in trial-and-error learning, yielding more widespread variation. When the technology arrived in central Nevada, it may have been a more fine-tuned complex, the result of success-biased learning among a more connected population; hence, the consistency observed in the archaeological record. This example highlights that success may look different among different populations but ultimately depends on the ability to create complex, ecologically relevant technologies—a process that is only possible with a cultural “ratchet.” By incorporating individual inventions into existing bodies of knowledge, we can accumulate and diffuse cultural innovations, like the bow and arrow (Richerson and Boyd Reference Richerson and Boyd2006). But how do we know when to copy others and when to learn on our own? What social and ecological contexts affect how humans choose to learn and produce innovations?

Here, we focus on the archaeological manifestations of learning processes, as seen in the invention and innovation of technology. Various terminology has been used in the archaeological literature to describe technological change. Some definitions focus on intensification, both in a general sense (technological change that increases economic productivity) and from a Boserupian perspective in which investments in increasing productivity are motivated by declining efficiency (for a review, see Morgan Reference Morgan2015). Others use the terms “richness” and “diversity” to theorize changes in tool form and function as they relate to subsistence patterns, population densities, and environmental conditions. We adopt Fitzhugh's (Reference Fitzhugh2001:128) definitions for both technological invention and innovation: “Invention is the development of a novel idea with its attendant material, practical, and informational components. . . . Innovation is the process of testing and putting into practice an invented method/device, and an innovation is an invention that has been ‘tested’ and is therefore no longer novel and unpracticed.” By this definition invention need not entail the production of an entirely novel technology but most often reflects alterations to existing technologies. As Walsh and colleagues (Reference Walsh, Riede, O'Neill and Prentiss2019:53) note, “Innovation occurs in and further diversifies existing material culture traditions.” By looking at ecological contexts that favor individual learning to create technological diversity, and then pairing them with social contexts that promote uptake as they become innovations, we can make predictions about the circumstances that lead to cultural change. Doing so considers the historical trajectory of ideas as they reflect both the ecological and social constraints under which individuals operated in the past and in which new ideas can be generated.

Ways to test socioecological influences on the development of innovation include using experimental agent-based models and sampling case studies: in this article, we do both. This allows us to explore microscale interactions at the level of individuals and to assess the macroscale results of those interactions as influenced by outside variables. Such models are useful because the archaeological record rarely reflects microscale events, even though it is these events that ultimately shape the macroscale patterns that are evident in the record. We use an agent-based simulation to investigate how ecological variation and population size can affect cultural transmission patterns and cultural variability. Then, we infer how these learning patterns might affect the amount of variation and rate of change for cultural variants that could be acquired in these learning contexts. We discuss whether the inputs to which archaeology also has access—environmental variation and population size—may influence patterns of cultural variation, invention, innovation, and investment in new technologies over time. We encourage readers to explore the parameter settings in the R-script (Clark et al. Reference Clark, Demps and Herzog2023) to test additional hypotheses of the socioecological conditions for cultural evolution.

Background

The use of artifact class and stylistic richness as measures of behavioral and cultural diversity has a long history in archaeological thought, beginning with the theoretical paradigm of culture history (see Conkey and Hastorf Reference Conkey and Hastorf1990). Viewed through the lens of culture history, variation in material culture could not be readily explained by the same processes that dictate biological change (e.g., Currie Reference Currie2013). But brewing social and cultural changes in 1960s America drew archaeologists to a practice that could help analyze and explain the range of differences and similarities that constitute the human condition through an analytic and often Darwinian lens (Goodale Reference Goodale and Prentiss2019). Whereas Binford (Reference Binford1962:218) identified culture as an “extra-somatic means of adaptation for the human organism,” Dunnell (Reference Dunnell1980) and other early evolutionary archaeologists focused on the mechanisms driving cultural variation and the evolution of material culture. As applications of processual archaeology expanded, they broadly acknowledged the importance of environment, population density, social organization / risk sensitivity, and cultural transmission as means of driving material culture change (see Eerkens and Lipo Reference Eerkens and Lipo2007; Prentiss et al. Reference Prentiss, Walsh and Foor2021, Reference Prentiss, Walsh, Foor, Tehrani, Kendal and Kendal2023; Walsh et al. Reference Walsh, Riede, O'Neill and Prentiss2019).

During this time, researchers began using evolutionary-informed models to identify the learning strategies by which people acquire culture, defined as complex, accumulated, socially learned behaviors, skills, knowledge, values, and beliefs (Cavalli-Sforza et al. Reference Cavalli-Sforza, Feldman, Chen and Dornbusch1982). Because cultural information varies, can be inherited, and competes for behavioral representation, natural selection should produce cognitive structures to guide social learning toward better-choice outcomes. Accordingly, cultural evolutionists have identified several social learning mechanisms that can result in adaptive outcomes across a range of environmental and social conditions (Boyd and Richerson Reference Boyd and Richerson1985). They predict that accuracy of learning, availability and quality of demonstrators, and costs of learning will affect how an individual finds it most efficient to learn (Kameda and Nakanishi Reference Kameda and Nakanishi2002; Kendal et al. Reference Kendal, Rendell, Pike and Laland2009; McElreath Reference McElreath2004; Rogers Reference Rogers1988). Thus, the costs and benefits of different social learning strategies are affected by the same overarching drivers of technological changes: environmental conditions and population size.

Environmental Variability

In the early twentieth century, ethnographers began to focus on the geographic clustering of cultural traits, which led to an enduring tradition in American anthropology that explores the links between environment and behavior. According to Wissler (Reference Wissler1914, Reference Wissler1923, Reference Wissler1927) and Kroeber (Reference Kroeber1939), “culture areas” represent a network of cultural traits related to the geographic range of primary food sources and their associated technologies. Although useful in concept, the approach lacked a means to identify the causal links between culture and environment and was thus unable to explore the mechanisms driving variation. Subsequent infusions of cultural (e.g., Steward Reference Steward1955) and behavioral ecology (Bird and O'Connell Reference Bird and O'Connell2006; Codding and Bird Reference Codding and Bird2015) focus on economic drivers of technological change, although the development of new technologies clearly affects how people use their environments and vice versa (Morin et al. Reference Morin, Bird and Bird2020; Ready and Price Reference Ready and Price2021).

Cultural evolutionists argue that it is not just static environmental factors but also the rate of environmental change that shapes pathways to innovation. As the rate of environmental change increases, individual learning is favored because information acquired previously by others is more likely to be out of date (Aoki et al. Reference Aoki, Wakano and Feldman2005; Boyd and Richerson Reference Boyd and Richerson2005; Feldman et al. Reference Feldman, Aoki and Kumm1996; Morgan et al. Reference Morgan, Suchow and Griffiths2022; O'Brien et al. Reference O'Brien, Boulanger, Buchanan, Collard, Lee Lyman and Darwent2014; Rendell et al. Reference Rendell, Boyd, Cownden, Enquist, Eriksson, Feldman and Fogarty2010). Alternatively, when the environment is relatively stable and the costs of individual learning are greater than imitation, natural selection should predispose people to rely on the (cheaper) information of others (Boyd and Richerson Reference Boyd, Richerson, Runciman, Maynard Smith and Dunbar1996; McElreath et al. Reference McElreath, Wallin, Fasolo, Hertwig and Hoffrage2013; Perreault et al. Reference Perreault, Moya and Boyd2012). Morgan and coworkers (Reference Morgan, Suchow and Griffiths2022) replicate this pattern in an evolutionary simulation that shows a drop in social learning after environmental change, followed by an uptick in social learning as the environment stabilizes.

Aspects of the environment that affect innovation include the effective temperature, length of the growing season, risk (related to changing or challenging ecologies and sometimes the colonization of new ecologies), and mobility (related to food distribution and density within a given ecological setting). For example, in a series of studies evaluating geographic variation in the North American Clovis technological tradition, Buchanan and colleagues (Reference Buchanan, O'Brien and Collard2014, Reference Buchanan, O'Brien and Collard2016) find variation to be responsive to local environmental conditions, rather than being a result of drift. Another study of North American toolkit variation found technological richness to be negatively correlated with mean rainfall for driest month, species richness, and aboveground productivity, thereby pointing toward environmental risk as a driver of innovation (Collard et al. Reference Collard, Buchanan, O'Brien and Scholnick2013). Similarly, Mathew and Perrault (Reference Mathew and Perreault2015) found ecology to be a stronger predictor of material culture than cultural phylogeny (although see Towner et al. [Reference Towner, Grote and Mulder2016] for a critique of this analysis). Analysis of more contemporary populations shows the same; variation in sea craft design in the Pacific has been found to correlate both to local island environments and to the cultural histories of the people who settled there (Beheim and Bell Reference Beheim and Bell2011). A similar pattern is described for Thule material culture in which some elements, such as harpoon head style, evolved via cultural transmission with little responsivity to ecological variables, whereas others such as architectural features and stone tool assemblages seem to be a result of both cultural transmission and ecological context (Prentiss et al. Reference Prentiss, Matthew and Thomas2018).

Explorations of technological and stylistic change related to relationships between social organization and risk sensitivity have also provided useful insights into the mechanical, operational, and strategic costs associated with innovation (Bamforth and Bleed Reference Bamforth and Bleed1997; Bousman Reference Bousman1993, Reference Bousman2005; Fitzhugh Reference Fitzhugh2001; Hiscock Reference Hiscock1994). For example, Fitzhugh (Reference Fitzhugh, Fitzhugh and Habu2002, Reference Fitzhugh2003) describes the role of population density and sociotechnic complexity in the Kodiak archipelago where population increases coupled with pronounced seasonality appear to have driven technological innovation. Indeed, in each case, variation is best explained by using social and ecological variables together, indicating combined processes of social and individual learning, phylogenetic trends in inheritance, and context-specific constraints (or lack thereof) on technological form.

Population Structure

Debate around the emergence of modern human culture prompted many to look at demographic factors, in addition to environmental variables, as a primary cause for novel and expanded toolkits. It is well established that larger populations produce more adaptive variants and are able to eliminate disadvantageous variants and promote those with an adaptive advantage more effectively (e.g., Powell Reference Powell, Shennan and Thomas2009; Shennan Reference Shennan2001). It follows that small populations will exhibit more variant diversity. However, perhaps paradoxically, following the logic of neutral theory, neutral or slightly deleterious variants can potentially move quickly through small populations, and highly advantageous variants can come to fixation more quickly than in large populations (Lanfear et al. Reference Lanfear, Kokko and Eyre-Walker2014; Laue Reference Laue2018; Laue and Wright Reference Laue, Wright and Prentiss2019). For example, population bottlenecks observed through population-scale Y chromosomal data coincide with periods of notable social and technological development globally (Karmin et al. Reference Karmin, Saag, Vicente, Wilson Sayres, Järve, Talas and Rootsi2015). These results, among many others (e.g., Shennan Reference Shennan and Groucutt2020), highlight the different evolutionary trajectories of small and large populations as driven by different rates of drift, selective conditions, and so on.

Population connectivity, not just size, should affect how people find it efficient to learn (Strassburg and Creanza Reference Strassberg and Creanza2021), and demography must matter as well. Whether populations are growing or shrinking may affect learning patterns (O'Brien et al. Reference O'Brien, Boulanger, Buchanan, Collard, Lee Lyman and Darwent2014; Premo Reference Premo2016). As Binford (Reference Binford1962:219) noted, “Changes in the relative complexity of the sociotechnic component of an archaeological assemblage can be related to changes in the structure of the social system which they represent. Certainly, the evolutionary processes, while correlated and related, are not the same for explaining structural changes.” Social milieu and local traditions also affect behavior (Camerer and Fehr Reference Camerer and Fehr2006; Efferson et al. Reference Efferson, Richerson, McElreath, Lubell, Edsten, Waring and Paciotti2007; Henrich Reference Henrich2004; Wiessner Reference Wiessner1983), and historical traditions for transmitting cultural information could hamper the response of a learning system to a change in the learning environment. In larger populations, greater proportions of individual and success-biased learners may be a contributing factor to greater sociocultural complexity (Carneiro Reference Carneiro1967). Experimentally, Mesoudi and O'Brien (Reference Mesoudi and O'Brien2008a) found that individuals prefer a success-biased learning strategy as long as costs of access to observe successful individuals are not too high.

Some empirical models that evaluate the role of population size and environmental variability in tandem have rejected population size as the primary driver of technological richness (Buchanan et al. Reference Buchanan, O'Brien and Collard2016; Collard et al. Reference Collard, Kemery and Banks2005; Vaesen et al. Reference Vaesen, Collard, Cosgrove and Roebroeks2016). One of the reasons that population size may be a poor predictor of technological complexity in the archaeological record is that effective population size should include not only local population estimates but also the total pool of learners and teachers across interacting social spheres (Shennan Reference Shennan2001; Strassburg and Creanza Reference Strassberg and Creanza2021). For example, Neiman (Reference Neiman1995) suggests that intergroup transmission may have been a major driver of trait divergence in modes of lip exterior decorations in Woodland ceramic vessels from Illinois. Kline and Boyd (Reference Kline and Boyd2010) note that in Oceania connectedness with other islands correlated with increased technological complexity, mitigating the effect of small population size and compensating for the treadmill of cultural loss through access to experts elsewhere. Of course, estimating population density and connectivity in the past is one area where gaps in our knowledge limit the accuracy of models and our attendant assumptions. Fortunately, emergent methods show great promise for reconstructing long-term population patterns (see Reese Reference Reese2021).

General Simulation of Social-Ecological Conditions and Learning Strategies

Archaeological data, cultural evolutionary models, simulations, and experiments all show that population size, selective pressures, and environment affect the incubation and spread of new cultural ideas and technologies (Derex and Boyd Reference Derex and Boyd2016; Derex et al. Reference Derex, Perreault and Boyd2018; Kolodny et al. Reference Kolodny, Creanza and Feldman2015). Clearly, gaps exist in our ability to understand these dynamics. These gaps are sometimes the result of patchy archaeological and environmental records, but we also often lack the ability to measure and predict complex mechanisms such as the rate of drift and selective pressures. Models enable us to explore how tweaks in these variables affect the degree and types of innovation we may expect within any specific population. To explore our predictions of cultural evolution patterns and implications for the archaeological record, we first simulate a population living in an environment that varies over time. Although simulated environments must necessarily sacrifice reality for generality, they allow us to logically test our assumptions about how the world works and to further interrogate our hypotheses and their implications as being consistent with empirical observations. We provide an agent-based simulation to explore how a population's social learning mechanisms evolve based on a variety of parameters, including the rate of environmental variation and the number of individuals people can look to when choosing someone to imitate. We use the archaeological record and previous cultural evolution models to constrain the multidimensional parameter space to investigate patterns of interest. We structured the base model around Rogers' paradox so that we could test for validity with each additional parameter setting (Rogers Reference Rogers1988). Curious readers are welcome to visit the github site to run basic versions of the model with just unbiased imitation (random copying) and individual learning to explore proofs of concepts; for example, increasing rates of environmental variation are correlated with higher proportions of individual learners in a society (https://github.com/matthewclark1223/MindToMatter/tree/main). We explore more complex versions later and hope others may find the simulation a useful tool for testing their own hypotheses.

In our simulation, there is one adaptive behavior for the environmental state occurring per given time period, which changes between time periods with a given probability. After birth into our population, each individual has the chance to acquire the adaptive behavior for the current environmental state. If they acquire the correct behavior, they receive a corresponding fitness benefit. After learning, each individual will be given the chance to reproduce into the next generation with a probability weighted by their fitness. Over time, the learning strategy that produces the adaptive behavior more often will increase in frequency in the population. One caveat we discuss later is that we can also set the cost of using each learning strategy (proportional to the potential benefit gained); therefore, the fitness outcomes of a particular learning strategy will depend on the cost/benefit ratio and adaptiveness to the ecological context. We can also set the accuracy of learning strategies (the proportion of time the adaptive behavior is not only observed but is also copied correctly to the same effect), so there is still a chance that individuals will be unable to acquire the adaptive behavior even with the best-choice strategy.

Individuals inherit a learning strategy from a parent (this is a haploid sexual model) and will be one of several types: individual learners (learn on own), unbiased social learners (randomly copy), content-biased social learners (observe a sample and copy the best), kin-biased learners (learn from parent; not included in the analysis of this article), or success-biased social learners (choose to copy weighted by the model's fitness; cf. Henrich and McElreath Reference Henrich and McElreath2003). Before reproduction and death, individuals can act as cultural demonstrators for the population in the next generation (generations are nonoverlapping). We use roulette selection as a reliable model of inheritance because it works within the framework of Wright-Fisher analytical models (Zhang et al. Reference Zhang, Sakamoto and Furutani2008). We assume that the learning strategy phenotype is a polygenic trait in an organism with infinite loci; the phenotype depends on the inheritance of a combination of alleles at each of the loci for the learning genes.

We begin each simulation by setting up the population size and costs of learning, set any additional variables of interest (accuracy of learning, sample size of learning), and then simulate outcomes across a range of rates of environmental variation. We keep the selection pressure on learning at 20% following the average selection pressure of 16% on most quantitative traits in the wild (Kingsolver et al. Reference Kingsolver, Hoekstra, Hoekstra, Berrigan, Vignieri, Hill and Hoang2001) and genetic moderate mutation rates at 5/1,000 replications (we also demonstrate results at 1/1,000 and 1/100 replications for context). Initial simulation begins with the frequency of individual and social learning alleles surrounding a normal distribution with a mean of 0.5 and standard deviation of 0.1, with additional results varying the starting proportions of individual and social learners. We allow each population to complete 5,000 generations and report the average for the frequency of each learning strategy from the final 200 generations.

Finally, we provide some notes on the model structure for those analytically inclined. First, almost everything in the model is adjustable, from the mutation rate to the number of generations used to calculate fitness. Necessity requires us to choose parameter settings; we report on combinations of variables that we think are of interest to our readership, although you may want to explore other settings. In an effort to limit their complexity and increase the interpretability of our model results, we make several key simplifications: (1) we test scenarios of varying population size but do not impose spatial structure on this population (discussed later); 2) we do not allow cumulative learning to occur, justifying critiques along the lines of Rogers' paradox; and (3) populations evolve through a hierarchical structure of learning strategies, allowing each to mutate and come to fixation after asking whether a previous learning strategy was more or less adaptive. This introduces a structured interdependence of the evolution of learning mechanisms that may be of interest to some (and is also modifiable to those familiar with R). Finally, although the potential to also explore a kin-biased learning mechanism is included in the code, we do not have the space to provide the analysis here. Feasibility tests of the model show that setting the learning parameters to favor any learning strategy over another does indeed lead to that strategy's success. The figures show results from varying combinations of parameter settings including (1) population size of 10–10,000 individuals, (2) rate of environmental change from 1%–60% every generation, (3) mutation rate of 1/100–1/1,000, and (4) selection pressure of 20%–40%. Baseline conditions of simulations from which we vary the parameters are as follows.

General Simulation Results

Increasing Environmental Variation Leads to a Greater Reliance on Individual Learning

As a baseline and test of validity, we explore a dynamic where we allow our population to evolve learning strategies across a range of rates of environmental variation. We set the parameters so that each learning bias is equally penalized (50% of the benefit of learning the adaptive behavior is sacrificed during the learning process), none is favored in terms of accuracy, and 50% of the population employs individual (versus social) learning in the first generation. Under these conditions, we observe that, as the likelihood of the environment changing between generations increases from 1% to 60%, the proportion of individual learners in the population increases, and the proportion of individuals employing all social learning strategies decreases (Figure 1). We also observe a general trend of decreased overall population fitness as the rate of environmental change is increased.

Figure 1. One run of the agent-based simulation. Colored lines show the proportion of the population employing each learning bias in the final 200 generations of 5,000 total. Mean population fitness across all types of learners is included along with the proportions of individual learners. The simulation parameter settings for Figure 1 are as follows: Population size = 1,000; Mutation rate = 0.005; Success rate of individual learning = 50%; Cost of evaluating content = 50%; Cost of success biased learning = 50%; Cost of random copying = 50%; Cost of kin-biased learning = 50%; Probability that success-biased learning leads to the appropriate cultural variant = 50%; Sample size of observable individuals for content-biased learning = 3; and the starting proportion of individual learners in the first generation is 0.5. (Color online)

Figure 1 shows results for conditions that favor a content-biased social learning strategy when we allow learners to sample several cultural models and choose the most effective behavior, with a sample size of three. Using a smaller sample size than three cultural models made the content-biased learning strategy too ineffective to evolve, and a sample size larger than three did not increase the fitness of content-biased social learners. However, this bias can continue to outperform individual learners, even at higher rates of environmental change, if it starts in the majority. Yet, there are many conditions produced in these simulations that result in no clear winner for learning strategies. Any learning bias that is set to be cheaper (and more accurate) evolved to fixation because the costs of the learning bias affect an individual's likelihood of reproduction. These costs may vary by the thing to be learned or the social situation of the learner, further producing variability to be explored in the future.

Increasing Population Size Decreases Variability in the Mixes of Social Learners

Across populations of 10, 100, 1,000, and 10,000 we can observe decreasing variability in the proportions of individual learners and unbiased imitators (Figure 2). As population size increases, clear trends in selection for learning types emerge at different rates of environmental change. Smaller archaeological populations may have more randomness in the types of social learning that people use (not just the traits they have available to copy), with drift-like processes affecting how people may learn new technology; these processes then affect the nature of technological evolution. We ran the simulation 10 times at each population size.

Figure 2. Ten runs of the simulation at each rate of environmental variation across a range of population sizes from 10 to 1,000 individuals. Simulation parameters are the same as for Figure 1, with the exception of population size. Dashed lines show median trends in proportion of different learning strategies. (Color online)

Increasing the Mutation Rate Has a Similar Effect to Increasing Population Size

We allowed for more extreme mutation rates of 1/1,000 and 1/100 compared to our baseline of 5/1,000. Under the reduced mutation rate (1/1,000), we see reduced variation in learning strategies that emerge at lower levels of environmental variation, indicating that there is not enough variation in the population for selection to find the optimal strategy. Additionally, compared to when the mutation rate is very high (1/100), we observe a more marked shift from biased social learning to individual learning as the rate of environmental change increases, using the intermediate, baseline mutation rate. Instead, under the high mutation rate, we observe that intermediate rates of environmental change drive the evolution of an unbiased imitation learning strategy (Figure 3). Again, we ran the simulation 10 times at each level of environmental variation.

Figure 3. Ten runs of the agent-based simulation for each of three mutation rates. Colored lines show the proportion of the population employing each learning bias in the final 200 generations of 5,000 total for each of the 10 runs. Dashed lines show the median proportion of the population employing each learning bias across the 10 runs. The simulation parameter settings are identical to those shown in Figure 1, with the exception of the mutation rate. (Color online)

Case Study: Adoption of the Bow and Arrow in the American West

Given archaeologists’ interest in leveraging agent-based models to explore past phenomena, we return to the bow and arrow case study and use our model to test the underlying assumptions of the Bettinger and Eerkins (Reference Bettinger and Eerkens1999) scenario. To restate, Bettinger and Eerkins hypothesize that the variability in arrow form observed between eastern California and central Nevada is the result of two different forms of knowledge transmission—a direct or content bias learning involving trial and error, and an indirect bias to copy successful individuals, instead of traits—each driven by underlying population dynamics. We extrapolate values for eastern California and central Nevada (Figure 4) prehistoric population density and environmental variability, as described later, to set the starting parameters for our model and to explore how environmental and population differences lead to forms of cultural transmission that could manifest differences in tool form observed in the archaeological record.

Figure 4. Locations of source assemblages examined in Bettinger and Eerkens (Reference Bettinger and Eerkens1999); central Nevada including Monitor Valley and eastern California including Owens Valley, California.

Population estimates for eastern California are derived from Steward (Reference Steward1933, Reference Steward1938) and recent deep-time population constructions for the Owens Valley, the western Sierra, and Deep Springs areas (Eerkens Reference Eerkens2003; Polson Reference Polson2009). These sources place population densities at 0.17–0.34 persons per km2 during ethnographic times, and 0.08–0.16 persons per km2 at approximately 1500 BP. The total population at 1500 BP was likely somewhere between 1,000 and 1,500 individuals. Annual precipitation for the Owens Valley, the western Sierra, and Deep Springs as reported by Eerkens (Reference Eerkens2003) averaged 25.9 cm. Broader precipitation trends for Inyo and Mono Counties, California, from 1900 to the present record annual rainfall at 15.5 cm for Inyo County and 39 cm for Mono County (National Centers for Environmental Information, https://www.ncei.noaa.gov/pub/data/cirs/climdiv/). Together, modern annual precipitation calculations across the areas of interest amount to an average of 26.8 cm annually. Deep-time environmental reconstructions for the Owens Valley and Mono Lake areas show peaks in aridity and low lake stands from 2500–1800 cal BP (Mensing et al. Reference Mensing, Sharpe, Tunno, Sada, Thomas, Starratt and Smith2013, Reference Mensing, Wang, Rhode, Kennett, Csank, Thomas and Briem2023; Stine Reference Stine1990) preceding the uptake of bow and arrow technology. Termed the Late Holocene Dry period (LHDP), this megadrought appears to have been more pronounced in central and southern Nevada than in northern Nevada and outside the Great Basin generally. We cannot know with certainty the pace of climate change after the LHDP; however, a wetter period did follow, although the overall trend toward increasing aridity persisted through about 500 cal BP. Thus, we expect precipitation in eastern California to have been lower during the period of bow and arrow adoption, though how much lower is difficult to infer.

Population density for central Nevada, again derived from Steward (Reference Steward1938), ranged from 0.12 to 0.11 persons per km2 in ethnographic times. Population reconstructions, as have been done for Owens Valley, are not available for this region. However, for the purpose of our model, we need not calculate exact population numbers but rather note that the population in central Nevada was likely significantly smaller, perhaps by as much as half, than that in eastern California. Under this assumption we estimate a low value of between 500 and 750 individuals, though that number may have been even smaller. The Monitor Valley and surrounding areas also experienced the LHDP megadrought described earlier, and possibly to a greater extent than did the Owens Valley (Mensing et al. Reference Mensing, Wang, Rhode, Kennett, Csank, Thomas and Briem2023). Recent climate reconstructions for the alpine villages of Alta Toquima and nearby Dakabah, which are adjacent to Monitor Valley, demonstrate past variability. Inferred projections for past millennial fluctuations suggest warmest/cold intervals ranging from +2°C to −2°C relative to mid-twentieth-century means (Millar et al. Reference Millar, Charlet, Delany, King and Westfall2019; Thomas Reference Thomas, Bean, Burns, Canaday, Charlet, Colwell and Culleton2020). Modern precipitation trends for Nye County, Nevada (1900 to present), average 20 cm total precipitation annually (https://www.ncei.noaa.gov/pub/data/cirs/climdiv/). Given the severity of the LHDP, we expect that there was likely less precipitation in this area during the period of bow and arrow adoption.

We use these data to derive parameter settings for the model. First, we begin with a low-number population estimate of 500, which is representative of the central Nevada population. We run the model across populations up to 2,500 people in size (an estimate higher than any projected for precontact populations). We then run the model across a range of environmental conditions with the likelihood of environmental change between generations ranging from 1% to 50%. We assume a moderate mutation rate at 5/1,000 replications in each sweep. We model selection pressure at 20% and 60%.

Results

Lower Rates of Environmental Change Promote Social Learning, and Higher Rates Push Individual Learning

When we simulate across a range of conditions of increasing environmental variation and population (averaging across 10 runs of the simulation), we observe that environmental variation has a much stronger effect on the percentage of individuals who use individual learning (Figure 5). At low rates of environmental change, almost everyone in the population, regardless of size, uses social learning; at high rates of change, they use individual learning. We calculate the proportion of social learners to include all types of social learning.

Figure 5. Heat maps of 10 runs of the simulation across different combinations of rates of environmental variation and population sizes, for three selection pressures: (A) 20% selection pressure, as was used for previous results; (B) 40% selection pressure; and (C) 60% selection pressure. Darker cells indicate a higher proportion of all types of social learners; lighter cells indicate higher proportions of individual learners. (Color online)

Increasing Selection Pressure Increases the Proportion of Social Learners in the Population

When we run the same set of simulations while increasing the selection pressure of learning the adaptive behavior for the environment from 20% to 60%, we see an increase in the proportion of social learners in the population (Figure 5). Only at very low and very high rates of environmental variation, and for smaller population sizes, do we see the dichotomy produced in populations with the more moderate rate of selection pressure.

Discussion

Binford (Reference Binford1962:220), among others, highlights the role of in situ sociocultural dynamics in technological innovation and spread: “Changes in the temporal-spatial distribution of style types are believed to be related to changes in the structure of sociocultural systems either brought about through processes of in situ evolution, or by changes in the cultural environment to which local sociocultural systems are adapted, thereby initiating evolutionary change.” Our results mirror these observations, demonstrating that environmental variation, population size, and changing mixes of learning styles affect from whom people find it efficient to learn, thus affecting innovation and cultural evolution.

Some of our results bolster what we already know about innovation; for instance, that environmental variation affects the frequency of individual learning and that the costs and accuracies of learning biases can override socioecological factors. When individual learning is both costly and inaccurate, individuals rely on social learning. Other results highlight forces of evolution that go beyond selective pressures, such as drift-like processes in small populations that may result in diverse outcomes in preferred learning strategies, which then may affect patterns of cultural evolution. That starting conditions can create inertia on resulting social learning patterns is a unique finding and one that archaeological data may be particularly suited to address.

Regarding the uptake of bow and arrow technology in eastern California and central Nevada, our results provide an interesting counter to previous investigations. Both our general simulation results and our bow and arrow specific sweeps demonstrate that, in locations with low environmental variability, social learning should be the predominant strategy because it will likely result in less variability; conversely, when environmental variation is high, individual learning should be favored. But this is not what we see in the archaeological record. Eastern California, which had higher population densities and presumably slightly less environmental variation at the time of bow and arrow adoption, has more varied arrow technology, whereas the reverse is true of central Nevada.

We propose several hypotheses to explain these results. First, perhaps the archaeological record reflects what has been demonstrated in other modeling exercises (Laue Reference Laue2018), which is that highly adaptive traits can come to fixation quickly in small populations. If this is the case in central Nevada, individual experimentation would be difficult to detect archaeologically because the best arrow form would have come to fixation rather quickly. The archaeological outcomes may thus look quite similar to those produced by a social-learning-like pattern. Alternatively, both eastern California and central Nevada populations may have been experiencing mid-range environmental variation. This produces flux in preferred learning strategies as individuals shift back and forth between social and individual learning, regardless of population size. It is feasible that in some locales the archaeological expression of this flux will appear more like social learning, whereas while in others it will appear more like individual learning. A third possibility is that we overestimated the population size of central Nevada. Modeling very small populations might result in an even more pronounced role for drift; this may result in variability not only in the traits that come to fixation but also in the learning patterns that drive variation. Finally, it is possible that eastern California experienced a greater degree of environmental variability than is recognized in existing paleoclimatic records. If so, that population may have shifted to an individual learning strategy, resulting in variation in technological traits, which exemplifies the observed pattern. This scenario does not, however, provide any resolution for the central Nevada pattern.

What is more likely is that selection pressures were very different for the different populations and that these selection pressures shaped the adoption of varied arrow technologies. We demonstrate this in our case study model sweeps; when we increase selection pressure, we see an increased reliance on social learning across almost all conditions (see Figure 5). It may be that, while experiencing a mega-drought, populations in Nevada experienced higher selection pressure to get the technology right, which led to less individual experimentation and more selective copying. In their own simulation, Premo and Kuhn (Reference Premo and Kuhn2010) also see reduced variation in culturally learned behavior with higher local group extinction rates when individuals rely on social learning. In any case, what is clear is that the model provides archaeologists an opportunity to test assumptions about the drivers of technological change and to generate new hypotheses about that change based on model outcomes.

Future research should also consider the processes by which the use of social learning biases is itself subject to learning (Greenbaum et al. Reference Greenbaum, Fogarty, Colleran, Berger-Tal, Kolodny and Creanza2019; Mesoudi Reference Mesoudi2011). Across the ethnographic record, children tend to learn from kin while young and then update their knowledge through experience and learn from interactions with non-kin as they mature past puberty (Aunger Reference Aunger2000; Demps et al. Reference Demps, Zorondo-Rodríguez, García and Reyes-García2012; MacDonald Reference MacDonald2007). But there is a great deal of variation in this general pattern because subsistence systems tied to local ecologies can affect community interdependence, reliance on social learning, and from whom kids learn how to learn (Glowacki and Molleman Reference Glowacki and Molleman2017). Changing ecological and social environments may affect patterns of children's acculturation and invention differently than in adults and from whom they have access to learn and to teach (Lew-Levy et al. Reference Lew-Levy, Kissler, Boyette, Crittenden, Mabulla and Hewlett2020). Errors that arise through children's sampling and application of learned behaviors can contribute to the happy accidents of invention and innovation. Cognitive processes beyond those we have modeled, such as intense emotional experiences, can affect social learning as well (Fogarty et al. Reference Fogarty, Creanza and Feldman2015).

But the coarseness of much archaeological data means that we do not typically observe these individual acts of invention in the record; rather, what is “seen” are the last steps of the innovation process, namely widespread adoption (Schiffer Reference Schiffer, O'Brien and Shennan2010; Sterelny Reference Sterelny2020). Our ability to disambiguate time-averaging effects is ultimately tied to archaeological sample size and the ability to detect and measure artifact richness/diversity over time and across different sets of users (Jones et al. Reference Jones, Grayson, Beck, Dunnell and Grayson1983; Premo Reference Premo2014). Much has been made over how to interpret the palimpsest-like nature of the archaeological record (for a review see Holdaway and Wandsnider Reference Holdaway and Wandsnider2008). Then, too, there is also the problem of underdetermination, leaving us unable to discriminate among the processes that may have created a set of observations (Perrault Reference Perreault2019). The model presented here will likely generate outcomes that “go beyond the data.”

Future simulation efforts to better emulate past human learning contexts should be open to additional social learning biases; for example, we neglect conformity, similarity, and prestige. Prestige and conformity learning biases have been shown to drive variation in artifact assemblages (Bentley and Shennan Reference Bentley and Shennan2003; Kohler et al. Reference Kohler, VanBuskirk and Ruscavage-Barz2004; Shennan and Wilkinson Reference Shennan and Wilkinson2001), although lab simulations suggest that people might not use prestige-biased learning when responding to environmental shifts (Atkisson et al. Reference Atkisson, O'Brien and Mesoudi2012). We also lumped the costs of learning into one parameter: there is no difference between the time it takes to learn something versus the resources spent accessing a high-quality demonstrator. As Boyd and Richerson have shown (Reference Boyd and Richerson1985), identifying and accessing a demonstrator can cause runaway processes on the traits involved that are not investigated here. These will certainly affect trade-offs in learning differently than opportunity costs and influence how inventions may arise and spread. The other major simplification we made here was to ignore the fitness landscape of material culture. In simulated environments with one best technological solution—for example, the case of projectile point design—individual learning was the most effective mechanism to achieve the global optimum of point design (Mesoudi and O'Brien Reference Mesoudi and O'Brien2008a). But the same simulations run in environments with several best-choice technologies at spatially distributed local optima demonstrate that copying a successful neighbor was the most efficient way to get the best technology (Mesoudi and O'Brien Reference Mesoudi and O'Brien2008b). Although our model can help make predictions regarding responsivity to climate-driven sociocultural change, these results continue to lead us to more questions. Should we expect technological shifts to align with the onset of climatic events, or rather should we expect to see lags in the archaeological record relative to major climatic change (e.g., Kelly et al. Reference Kelly, Surovell, Shuman and Smith2013)? Of course, predictions may differ for functional versus stylistic traits, as well as for traits that are selectively neutral (Neiman Reference Neiman1995).

Finally, several technological investment models focused on archaeological applications consider the cost of research, development, and accuracy in replication (for a review, see Herzog and Goodale Reference Herzog, Goodale and Prentiss2019). What, if anything, should a model consider in regard to these constraints, and how? As noted by Bettinger and colleagues (Reference Bettinger, Boyd, Richerson and Maschner1996:137), “It pays to retain a suboptimal tool when searching for the optimal alternative is costly or error prone (Boyd and Richerson Reference Boyd, Richerson, Nitecki and Nitecki1992; Heiner Reference Heiner1983; Simon Reference Simon1959).” A similar problem is addressed by the technological investment model proposed by Stevens and McElreath (Reference Stevens and McElreath2015) in which they consider when investment in two specialized tools is better than investing only in one generalized tool. Although no model could, or should, discuss all possibilities, we look forward to a future with a more collaborative understanding of simulation, experimentation, and excavation to understand the variation in innovative processes.

Conclusion

Although the implications of the Bettinger and Eerkens model have been largely accepted as explaining projectile point variation in the late Archaic Great Basin, the factors driving patterns of innovation, such as population structure, selection pressure, and the extent of environmental flux necessary to drive the trends, need further investigation. Models, like the one presented here, provide us with new ways to think about complex phenomena such as technological innovation. If one hopes to use conceptual models to better understand the archaeological record or, indeed, any record of cultural change, it is necessary to control for the influence of factors such as environmental context/variability and social organization. Each factor alone, and especially in combination, shapes the world of what is possible, the adaptive landscape, and the personal and population incentives. We encourage readers to use the simulation code provided to explore their own hypotheses for the ecologies of social learning.

Acknowledgments

Thanks to Parry Martin Rhys Clarke and Richard McElreath for their guidance in setting up the original R script for this project. We also thank Kyle Shannon for assistance in using the Boise State Research Computing array.

Funding Statement

Boise State University College of Arts and Sciences provided funding for a writing workshop to complete this manuscript.

Data Availability Statement

R code is available at Clark and colleagues (Reference Clark, Demps and Herzog2023).

Competing Interests

The authors declare none.

References

References Cited

Aoki, Kenichi, Wakano, Joe Yuichiro, and Feldman, Marcus W.. 2005. The Emergence of Social Learning in a Temporally Changing Environment: A Theoretical Model. Current Anthropology 46(2):334340. https://doi.org/10.1086/428791.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Atkisson, Curtis, O'Brien, Michael J., and Mesoudi, Alex. 2012. Adult Learners in a Novel Environment Use Prestige-Biased Social Learning. Evolutionary Psychology 10(3):147470491201000320. https://doi.org/10.1177/147470491201000309.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Aunger, Robert. 2000. The Life History of Culture Learning in a Face-to-Face Society. Ethos 28(3):445481. https://doi.org/10.1525/eth.2000.28.3.445CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bamforth, Douglas B., and Bleed, Peter. 1997. Technology, Flaked Stone Technology, and Risk. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 7(1):109139. https://doi.org/10.1525/ap3a.1997.7.1.109.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Beheim, Bret A., and Bell, Adrian V.. 2011. Inheritance, Ecology and the Evolution of the Canoes of East Oceania. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 278(1721):30893095. https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2011.0060.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Bentley, R. Alexander, and Shennan, Stephen J.. 2003. Cultural Transmission and Stochastic Network Growth. American Antiquity 68(3):459485. https://doi.org/10.2307/3557104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bettinger, Robert L., Boyd, Robert, and Richerson, Peter J.. 1996. Style, Function, and Cultural Evolutionary Processes. In Darwinian Archaeologies, edited by Maschner, Herbert D. G., pp. 133164. Springer, New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bettinger, Robert L., and Eerkens, Jelmer. 1999. Point Typologies, Cultural Transmission, and the Spread of Bow-and-Arrow Technology in the Prehistoric Great Basin. American Antiquity 64(2):231242. https://doi.org/10.2307/2694276.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Binford, Lewis R. 1962. Archaeology as Anthropology. American Antiquity 28(2):217225. https://doi.org/10.2307/278380.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bird, Douglas W., and O'Connell, James F.. 2006. Behavioral Ecology and Archaeology. Journal of Archaeological Research 14(2):143188. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10814-006-9003-6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bousman, C. Britt. 1993. Hunter-Gatherer Adaptations, Economic Risk and Tool Design. Lithic Technology 18(1–2):5986. https://doi.org/10.1080/01977261.1993.11720897.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Bousman, C. Britt. 2005. Coping with Risk: Later Stone Age Technological Strategies at Blydefontein Rock Shelter, South Africa. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 24(3):193226. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2005.05.001.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Boyd, Robert, and Richerson, Peter J.. 1985. Culture and the Evolutionary Process. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.Google Scholar
Boyd, Robert, and Richerson, Peter J.. 1992. How Microevolutionary Processes Give Rise to History. In History and Evolution, edited by Nitecki, Matthew and Nitecki, Doris, pp. 179209. State University of New York Press, Albany.Google Scholar
Boyd, Robert, and Richerson, Peter J.. 1996. Why Culture Is Common, but Cultural Evolution Is Rare. In Evolution of Social Behaviour Patterns in Primates and Man, edited by Runciman, W. G., Maynard Smith, J., and Dunbar, R.I.M., pp. 7793. Proceedings of the British Academy Vol. 88. Oxford University Press, Oxford.Google Scholar
Boyd, Robert, and Richerson, Peter J.. 2005. The Origin and Evolution of Cultures. Oxford University Press, Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buchanan, Briggs, O'Brien, Michael J., and Collard, Mark. 2014. Continent-Wide or Region-Specific? A Geometric Morphometrics-Based Assessment of Variation in Clovis Point Shape. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 6(2):145162. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-013-0168-x.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Buchanan, Briggs, O'Brien, Michael J., and Collard, Mark. 2016. Drivers of Technological Richness in Prehistoric Texas: An Archaeological Test of the Population Size and Environmental Risk Hypotheses. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 8(3):625634. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-015-0245-4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Camerer, Colin F., and Fehr, Ernst. 2006. When Does “Economic Man” Dominate Social Behavior? Science 311(5757):4752. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1110600.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carneiro, Robert L. 1967. On the Relationship between Size of Population and Complexity of Social Organization. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 23(3):234243. https://doi.org/10.1086/soutjanth.23.3.3629251.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Cavalli-Sforza, Luca L., Feldman, Marcus W., Chen, Kuang-Ho, and Dornbusch, Sanford M.. 1982. Theory and Observation in Cultural Transmission. Science 218(4567):1927. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.7123211.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Clark, Matt, Demps, Kathryn, and Herzog, Nicole. 2023. matthewclark1223/MindToMatter: Patterns of Innovation in the Archaeological Record and the Ecology of Social Learning (v1.1). Zenodo. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.8320361, accessed September 21, 2023.Google Scholar
Codding, Brian F., and Bird, Douglas W.. 2015. Behavioral Ecology and the Future of Archaeological Science. Journal of Archaeological Science 56:920.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Collard, Mark, Buchanan, Briggs, O'Brien, Michael J., and Scholnick, Jonathan. 2013. Risk, Mobility or Population Size? Drivers of Technological Richness among Contact-Period Western North American Hunter-Gatherers. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 368(1630):20120412. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2012.0412.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Collard, Mark, Kemery, Michael, and Banks, Samantha. 2005. Causes of Toolkit Variation among Hunter-Gatherers: A Test of Four Competing Hypotheses. Canadian Journal of Archaeology 29(1):119.Google Scholar
Conkey, Margaret Wright, and Hastorf, Christine Ann. 1990. The Uses of Style in Archaeology. CUP Archive, Cambridge.Google Scholar
Currie, Thomas E. 2013. Cultural Evolution Branches Out: The Phylogenetic Approach in Cross-Cultural Research. Cross-Cultural Research 47(2):102130. https://doi.org/10.1177/1069397112471803.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Demps, Kathryn, Zorondo-Rodríguez, Francisco, García, Claude, and Reyes-García, Victoria. 2012. Social Learning across the Life Cycle: Cultural Knowledge Acquisition for Honey Collection among the Jenu Kuruba, India. Evolution and Human Behavior 33(5):460470. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2011.12.008.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Derex, Maxime, and Boyd, Robert. 2016. Partial Connectivity Increases Cultural Accumulation within Groups. PNAS 113(11):29822987. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1518798113.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Derex, Maxime, Perreault, Charles, and Boyd, Robert. 2018. Divide and Conquer: Intermediate Levels of Population Fragmentation Maximize Cultural Accumulation. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 373(1743):20170062. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2017.0062.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Dunnell, Robert C. 1980. Evolutionary Theory and Archaeology. Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory 3:3599. https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-003103-0.50007-1.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eerkens, Jelmer W. 2003. Residential Mobility and Pottery Use in the Western Great Basin. Current Anthropology 44:728738.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eerkens, Jelmer W., and Lipo, Carl P.. 2007. Cultural Transmission Theory and the Archaeological Record: Providing Context to Understanding Variation and Temporal Changes in Material Culture. Journal of Archaeological Research 15(3):239274. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10814-007-9013-z.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Efferson, Charles, Richerson, Peter J., McElreath, Richard, Lubell, Mark, Edsten, Ed, Waring, Timothy M., Paciotti, Brian, et al. 2007. Learning, Productivity, and Noise: An Experimental Study of Cultural Transmission on the Bolivian Altiplano. Evolution and Human Behavior 28(1):1117. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2006.05.005.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Feldman, Marcus W., Aoki, Kenichi, and Kumm, Jochen. 1996. Individual versus Social Learning: Evolutionary Analysis in a Fluctuating Environment. Anthropological Science 104(3):209231. https://doi.org/10.1537/ase.104.209.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fitzhugh, Ben. 2001. Risk and Invention in Human Technological Evolution. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 20(2):125167. https://doi.org/10.1006/jaar.2001.0380.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fitzhugh, Ben. 2002. Residential and Logistical Strategies in the Evolution of Complex Hunter-Gatherers on the Kodiak Archipelago. In Beyond Foraging and Collecting: Evolutionary Change in Hunter-Gatherer Settlement Systems, edited by Fitzhugh, Ben and Habu, Junko, pp. 257304. Springer, New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Fitzhugh, Ben. 2003. The Evolution of Complex Hunter-Gatherers on the Kodiak Archipelago. Senri Ethnological Studies 63:1348. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-0137-4.Google Scholar
Fogarty, Laurel, Creanza, Nicole, and Feldman, Marcus W.. 2015. Cultural Evolutionary Perspectives on Creativity and Human Innovation. Trends in Ecology & Evolution 30(12):736754. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tree.2015.10.004.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Glowacki, Luke and Molleman, Lucas. 2017. Subsistence Styles Shape Human Social Learning Strategies. Nature Human Behaviour 1:0098. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-017-0098.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Goodale, Nathan. 2019. Natural Selection, Material Culture, and Archaeology. In Handbook of Evolutionary Research in Archaeology, edited by Prentiss, Anna Marie, pp. 7182. Springer International, Cham, Switzerland.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Greenbaum, Gili, Fogarty, Laurel, Colleran, Heidi, Berger-Tal, Oded, Kolodny, Oren, and Creanza, Nicole. 2019. Are Both Necessity and Opportunity the Mothers of Innovations? Behavioral and Brain Sciences 42:e199. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0140525X19000207.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Heiner, Ronald A. 1983. The Origin of Predictable behavior. American Economic Review 73(4):560595.Google Scholar
Henrich, Joseph. 2004. Demography and Cultural Evolution: How Adaptive Cultural Processes Can Produce Maladaptive Losses—The Tasmanian Case. American Antiquity 69(2):197214. https://doi.org/10.2307/4128416.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Henrich, Joseph, and McElreath, Richard. 2003. The Evolution of Cultural Evolution. Evolutionary Anthropology 12(3):123135. https://doi.org/10.1002/evan.10110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Herzog, Nicole M., and Goodale, Nathan. 2019. Human Behavioral Ecology and Technological Decision-Making. In Handbook of Evolutionary Research in Archaeology, edited by Prentiss, Anna Marie, pp. 295309. Springer International, Cham, Switzerland.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Hiscock, Peter. 1994. Technological Responses to Risk in Holocene Australia. Journal of World Prehistory 8(3):267292. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02221051.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Holdaway, Simon John, and Wandsnider, LuAnn. 2008. Time in Archaeology: Time Perspectivism Revisited. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.Google Scholar
Jones, George T., Grayson, Donald K., and Beck, Charlotte. 1983. Sample Size and Functional Diversity in Archaeological Assemblages. In Lulu Linear Punctuated: Essays in Honor of George Irving Quimby, edited by Dunnell, Robert C. and Grayson, Donald K., pp. 5573. University of Michigan Museum of Anthropological Archaeology, Ann Arbor.Google Scholar
Kameda, Tatsuya, and Nakanishi, Daisuke. 2002. Cost–Benefit Analysis of Social/Cultural Learning in a Nonstationary Uncertain Environment: An Evolutionary Simulation and an Experiment with Human Subjects. Evolution and Human Behavior 23(5):373393. https://doi.org/10.1016/S1090-5138(02)00101-0.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Karmin, Monika, Saag, Lauri, Vicente, Mário, Wilson Sayres, Melissa A., Järve, Mari, Talas, Ulvi Gerst, Rootsi, Siiri, et al. 2015. A Recent Bottleneck of Y Chromosome Diversity Coincides with a Global Change in Culture. Genome Research 25(4):459466. https://doi.org/10.1101/gr.186684.114.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kelly, Robert L., Surovell, Todd A., Shuman, Bryan N., and Smith, Geoffrey M.. 2013. A Continuous Climatic Impact on Holocene Human Population in the Rocky Mountains. PNAS 110(2):443447. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1201341110.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kendal, Jeremy R., Rendell, Luke, Pike, Thomas W., and Laland, Kevin N.. 2009. Nine-Spined Sticklebacks Deploy a Hill-Climbing Social Learning Strategy. Behavioral Ecology 20(2):238244. https://doi.org/10.1093/beheco/arp016.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kingsolver, Joel G., Hoekstra, Hopi E., Hoekstra, Jon M., Berrigan, David, Vignieri, Sacha N., Hill, C. E., Hoang, Anhthu, et al. 2001. The Strength of Phenotypic Selection in Natural Populations. American Naturalist 157(3):245261. https://doi.org/10.1086/319193.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kline, Michelle A., and Boyd, Robert. 2010. Population Size Predicts Technological Complexity in Oceania. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 277(1693):25592564. https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2010.0452.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kohler, Timothy A., VanBuskirk, Stephanie, and Ruscavage-Barz, Samantha. 2004. Vessels and Villages: Evidence for Conformist Transmission in Early Village Aggregations on the Pajarito Plateau, New Mexico. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 23(1):100118. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2003.12.003.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kolodny, Oren, Creanza, Nicole, and Feldman, Marcus W.. 2015. Evolution in Leaps: The Punctuated Accumulation and Loss of Cultural Innovations. PNAS 112(49):E6762E6769.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kroeber, Alfred Louis. 1939. Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. University of California Press, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Lanfear, Robert, Kokko, Hannah, and Eyre-Walker, Adam. 2014. Population Size and the Rate of Evolution. Trends in Ecology & Evolution 29(1):3341.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Laue, Cheyenne L. 2018. Social, Cultural, and Environmental Influences on the Process of Technological Innovation. PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Montana, Bozeman.Google Scholar
Laue, Cheyenne L., and Wright, Alden H.. 2019. Landscape Revolutions for Cultural Evolution: Integrating Advanced Fitness Landscapes into the Study of Cultural Change. In Handbook of Evolutionary Research in Archaeology, edited by Prentiss, Anna M., pp. 127148. Springer, New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lew-Levy, Sheina, Kissler, Steven M., Boyette, Adam H., Crittenden, Alyssa N., Mabulla, Ibrahim A., and Hewlett, Barry S.. 2020. Who Teaches Children to Forage? Exploring the Primacy of Child-to-Child Teaching among Hadza and BaYaka Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania and Congo. Evolution and Human Behavior 41(1):1222. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2019.07.003.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
MacDonald, Kathrine. 2007. Cross-Cultural Comparison of Learning in Human Hunting. Human Nature 18(4):386402. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12110-007-9019-8.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Mathew, Sarah, and Perreault, Charles. 2015. Behavioural Variation in 172 Small-Scale Societies Indicates That Social Learning Is the Main Mode of Human Adaptation. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 282:20150061. https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2015.0061.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
McElreath, Richard. 2004. Social Learning and the Maintenance of Cultural Variation: An Evolutionary Model and Data from East Africa. American Anthropologist 106(2):308321. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.2004.106.2.308.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McElreath, Richard, Wallin, Annika, and Fasolo, Barbara. 2013. The Evolutionary Rationality of Social Learning. In Simple Heuristics in a Social World, edited by Hertwig, Ralph and Hoffrage, Ulrich, pp. 381408. Oxford University Press, Oxford.Google Scholar
Mensing, Scott A., Sharpe, Saxon E., Tunno, Irene, Sada, Don W., Thomas, Jim M., Starratt, Scott, and Smith, Jeremy. 2013. The Late Holocene Dry Period: Multiproxy Evidence for an Extended Drought between 2800 and 1850 cal yr BP across the Central Great Basin, USA. Quaternary Science Reviews 78:266282.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mensing, Scott, Wang, Wei, Rhode, David, Kennett, Douglas J., Csank, Adam, Thomas, David Hurst, Briem, Cedar, et al. 2023. Temporal and Geographic Extent of the Late Holocene Dry Period in the Central Great Basin, USA. Quaternary Science Reviews 300:107900.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mesoudi, Alex. 2011. An Experimental Comparison of Human Social Learning Strategies: Payoff-Biased Social Learning Is Adaptive but Underused. Evolution and Human Behavior 32(5):334342. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2010.12.001.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mesoudi, Alex, and O'Brien, Michael J.. 2008a. The Cultural Transmission of Great Basin Projectile-Point Technology I: An Experimental Simulation. American Antiquity 73(1):328. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0002731600041263.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mesoudi, Alex, and O'Brien, Michael J.. 2008b. The Cultural Transmission of Great Basin Projectile-Point Technology II: An Agent-Based Computer Simulation. American Antiquity 73(4):627644. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0002731600047338.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Millar, Constance I., Charlet, David A., Delany, Diane L., King, John C., and Westfall, Robert D.. 2019. Shifts of Demography and Growth in Limber Pine Forests of the Great Basin, USA, across 4000 Years of Climate Variability. Quaternary Research 91:691704.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morgan, Christopher. 2015. Is It Intensification Yet? Current Archaeological Perspectives on the Evolution of Hunter-Gatherer Economies. Journal of Archaeological Research 23(2):163213. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10814-014-9079-3.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morgan, Thomas J. H., Suchow, Jordan W., and Griffiths, Thomas L.. 2022. The Experimental Evolution of Human Culture: Flexibility, Fidelity and Environmental Instability. Proceedings of the Royal Society B 289:20221614. https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2022.1614.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Morin, Eugène, Bird, Rebecca Bliege, and Bird, Douglas. 2020. Mass Procurement and Prey Rankings: Insights from the European Rabbit. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 12(11):262. https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-020-01212-0.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Neiman, Fraser D. 1995. Stylistic Variation in Evolutionary Perspective: Inferences from Decorative Diversity and Interassemblage Distance in Illinois Woodland Ceramic Assemblages. American Antiquity 60(1):736.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
O'Brien, Michael J., Boulanger, Matthew T., Buchanan, Briggs, Collard, Mark, Lee Lyman, R., and Darwent, John. 2014. Innovation and Cultural Transmission in the American Paleolithic: Phylogenetic Analysis of Eastern Paleoindian Projectile-Point Classes. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 34:100119. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2014.03.001.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Perreault, Charles. 2019. The Quality of the Archaeological Record. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Perreault, Charles, Moya, Cristina, and Boyd, Robert. 2012. A Bayesian Approach to the Evolution of Social Learning. Evolution and Human Behavior 33(5):449459. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2011.12.007.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Polson, Nikki. 2009. Prehistoric Human Population Dynamics in Owens Valley. Master's thesis, Department of Anthropology, California State University, Sacramento.Google Scholar
Powell, Adam, Shennan, Stephen, and Thomas, Mark G.. 2009. Late Pleistocene Demography and the Appearance of Modern Human Behavior. Science 324(5932):12981301. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1170165.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Premo, Lukas S. 2014. Cultural Transmission and Diversity in Time-Averaged Assemblages. Current Anthropology 55(1):105114. https://doi.org/10.1086/674873.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Premo, Lukas S. 2016. Effective Population Size and the Effects of Demography on Cultural Diversity and Technological Complexity. American Antiquity 81(4):605622. https://doi.org/10.7183/0002-7316.81.4.605.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Premo, Lukas S., and Kuhn, Steve L. 2010. Modeling Effects of Local Extinctions on Culture Change and Diversity in the Paleolithic. PLoS ONE 5(12):e15582. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0015582.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Prentiss, Anna M., Matthew, J. Walsh, and Thomas, A. Foor. 2018. Evolution of Early Thule Material Culture: Cultural Transmission and Terrestrial Ecology. Human Ecology 46:633650. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-017-9963-9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Prentiss, Anna M., Walsh, Matthew J., and Foor, Thomas A.. 2021. Theoretical Plurality, the Extended Evolutionary Synthesis, and Archaeology. PNAS 118(2):e2006564118. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2006564118.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Prentiss, Anna M., Walsh, Matthew J., and Foor, Thomas A.. 2023. Lithic Technological Evolution. In The Oxford Handbook of Cultural Evolution, edited by Tehrani, Jamshid J., Kendal, Jeremy, and Kendal, Rachel, pp. C34S1C34S11. Oxford University Press, Oxford.Google Scholar
Ready, Elspeth, and Price, Michael Holton. 2021. Human Behavioral Ecology and Niche Construction. Evolutionary Anthropology 30(1):7183. https://doi.org/10.1002/evan.21885.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Reese, Kelsey M. 2021. Deep Learning Artificial Neural Networks for Non-Destructive Archaeological Site Dating. Journal of Archaeological Science 132:105413.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rendell, Luke, Boyd, Robert, Cownden, Daniel, Enquist, Marquist, Eriksson, Kimmo, Feldman, Marc W., Fogarty, Laurel, et al. 2010. Why Copy Others? Insights from the Social Learning Strategies Tournament. Science 328(5975):208213. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1184719.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Richerson, Peter J., and Boyd, Robert. 2006. Not by Genes Alone: How Culture Transformed Human Evolution. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.Google Scholar
Rogers, Alan R. 1988. Does Biology Constrain Culture? American Anthropologist 90(4):819831. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1988.90.4.02a00030.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Schiffer, Michael. 2010. Can Archaeologists Study Processes of Invention? In Innovation in Cultural Systems: Contributions from Evolutionary Anthropology, edited by O'Brien, Michael J. and Shennan, Stephen, pp. 235250. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.Google Scholar
Shennan, Stephen J. 2001. Demography and Cultural Innovation: A Model and Its Implications for the Emergence of Modern Human Culture. Cambridge Archaeological Journal 11(1):516. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0959774301000014.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shennan, Stephen J. 2020. Style, Function and Cultural Transmission. In Culture History and Convergent Evolution, edited by Groucutt, Huw, pp. 291298. Springer, New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Shennan, Stephen J., and Wilkinson, James R.. 2001. Ceramic Style Change and Neutral Evolution: A Case Study from Neolithic Europe. American Antiquity 66(4):577593. https://doi.org/10.2307/2694174.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Simon, Herbert A. 1959. Theories of Decision-Making in Economics and Behavioral Science. American Economic Review 253283. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1809901.Google Scholar
Sterelny, Kim. 2020. Innovation, Life History and Social Networks in Human Evolution. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B 375(1803):20190497. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0497.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Stevens, Nathan E., and McElreath, Richard. 2015. When Are Two Tools Better than One? Mortars, Millingslabs, and the California Acorn Economy. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 37:100111. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jaa.2014.12.002.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Steward, Julian Haynes. 1933. Ethnography of the Owens Valley Paiute. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnography 33:233350.Google Scholar
Steward, Julian Haynes. 1938. Basin-Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC.Google Scholar
Steward, Julian Haynes. 1955. The Concept and Method of Cultural Ecology. Bobbs-Merrill, Indianapolis, Indiana.Google Scholar
Stine, Scott. 1990. Late Holocene Fluctuations of Mono Lake, Eastern California. Paleogeography, Palaeoclimatology, Palaeoecology 78:333e381. https://doi.org/10.1016/0031-0182(90)90221-R.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Strassberg, Sarah Saxton, and Creanza, Nicole. 2021. Cultural Evolution and Prehistoric Demography. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B 376(1816):20190713. https://doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2019.0713.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Thomas, David Hurst, Bean, Jessica R., Burns, Gregory R., Canaday, Timothy W., Charlet, David Alan, Colwell, Robert Knight, Culleton, Brendan, et al. 2020. Alpine Archaeology of Alta Toquima and the Mt. Jefferson Tablelands (Nevada): The Archaeology of Monitor Valley, Contribution 4. Anthropological Papers No. 104. American Museum of Natural History, New York. https://doi.org/10.5531/sp.anth.0104.Google Scholar
Towner, Mary C., Grote, Mark N., and Mulder, Monique Borgerhoff. 2016. Problems Modeling Behavioural Variation across Western North American Indian Societies. Proceedings of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 283(1826):20152184. https://doi.org/10.1098/rspb.2015.2184.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Vaesen, Krist, Collard, Mark, Cosgrove, Richard, and Roebroeks, Wil. 2016. Population Size Does Not Explain Past Changes in Cultural Complexity. PNAS 113(16):E2241E2247. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1520288113.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Walsh, Matthew J., Riede, Felix, and O'Neill, Sean. 2019. Cultural Transmission and Innovation in Archaeology. In Handbook of Evolutionary Research in Archaeology, edited by Prentiss, Anna Marie, pp. 4970. Springer International, Cham, Switzerland.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wiessner, Polly. 1983. Style and Social Information in Kalahari San Projectile Points. American Antiquity 48(2):253276. https://doi.org/10.2307/280450.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wissler, Clark. 1914. Material Cultures of the North American Indians. American Anthropologist 16(3):447505. https://doi.org/10.1525/aa.1914.16.3.02a00030.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wissler, Clark. 1923. Man and Culture. Crowell, New York.Google Scholar
Wissler, Clark. 1927. The Culture-Area Concept in Social Anthropology. American Journal of Sociology 32(6):881891. https://doi.org/10.1086/214278.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Zhang, Yu-an, Sakamoto, Makoto, and Furutani, Hiroshi. 2008. Effects of Population Size and Mutation Rate on Results of Genetic Algorithm. In Fourth International Conference on Natural Computation, ICNC 2008, Volume 1, 18-20 October 2008, Jinan, China, edited by Maozu Guo, Liang Zhao, and Lipo Wang, pp. 7075. IEEE Computer Society, Los Alamitos, California. https://doi.org/10.1109/ICNC.2008.345.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Figure 0

Figure 1. One run of the agent-based simulation. Colored lines show the proportion of the population employing each learning bias in the final 200 generations of 5,000 total. Mean population fitness across all types of learners is included along with the proportions of individual learners. The simulation parameter settings for Figure 1 are as follows: Population size = 1,000; Mutation rate = 0.005; Success rate of individual learning = 50%; Cost of evaluating content = 50%; Cost of success biased learning = 50%; Cost of random copying = 50%; Cost of kin-biased learning = 50%; Probability that success-biased learning leads to the appropriate cultural variant = 50%; Sample size of observable individuals for content-biased learning = 3; and the starting proportion of individual learners in the first generation is 0.5. (Color online)

Figure 1

Figure 2. Ten runs of the simulation at each rate of environmental variation across a range of population sizes from 10 to 1,000 individuals. Simulation parameters are the same as for Figure 1, with the exception of population size. Dashed lines show median trends in proportion of different learning strategies. (Color online)

Figure 2

Figure 3. Ten runs of the agent-based simulation for each of three mutation rates. Colored lines show the proportion of the population employing each learning bias in the final 200 generations of 5,000 total for each of the 10 runs. Dashed lines show the median proportion of the population employing each learning bias across the 10 runs. The simulation parameter settings are identical to those shown in Figure 1, with the exception of the mutation rate. (Color online)

Figure 3

Figure 4. Locations of source assemblages examined in Bettinger and Eerkens (1999); central Nevada including Monitor Valley and eastern California including Owens Valley, California.

Figure 4

Figure 5. Heat maps of 10 runs of the simulation across different combinations of rates of environmental variation and population sizes, for three selection pressures: (A) 20% selection pressure, as was used for previous results; (B) 40% selection pressure; and (C) 60% selection pressure. Darker cells indicate a higher proportion of all types of social learners; lighter cells indicate higher proportions of individual learners. (Color online)