No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Political Polarisation in Uruguay in the Early 1960s: The Role of Luis Batlle Berres and Lista 15
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 December 2023
Abstract
The historiography on Uruguay during the Cold War has identified the period 1959–62 as a key juncture in the process of political polarisation that culminated in the fall of democracy in 1973. Based on the analysis of press articles and other documentary sources, I describe the role played by the main fraction of the Partido Colorado (Red Party) led by Luis Batlle Berres in promoting polarisation of the Uruguayan political system in those years. My findings contradict the conventional depiction of Batlle Berres as a moderate who tried to prevent the polarisation provoked by other agents.
Polarización política en uruguay a principios de los años 1960: el rol de luis batlle berres y lista 15
La historiografía sobre el Uruguay durante la Guerra Fría ha identificado el período 1959–62 como una coyuntura clave en el proceso de polarización política que culminó en la caída de la democracia en 1973. En base al análisis de prensa y otras fuentes documentales el artículo muestra el rol de la principal fracción del Partido Colorado liderada por Luis Batlle Berres en la dinámica general de polarización de sistema político uruguayo de esos años. La evidencia presentada contradice las referencias que le consideraban un actor moderado que intentó impedir la polarización provocada por otros agentes.
Polarização política no uruguai no início dos anos 1960: o papel de luis batlle berres e lista 15
A historiografia do Uruguai durante a Guerra Fria identificou o período de 1959–62 como uma conjuntura chave no processo de polarização política que culminou na queda da democracia em 1973. A partir da análise da imprensa e de outras fontes documentais, o artigo mostra o papel da principal fração do Partido Colorado liderada por Luis Batlle Berres na dinâmica geral de polarização do sistema político uruguaio daqueles anos. As evidências apresentadas contradizem as referências que o consideravam um ator moderado que tentava impedir a polarização causada por outros agentes.
Keywords
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press
References
1 The PN, also known as Partido Blanco (White Party), and the PC are Uruguay's oldest parties, dating back to the first decades of the nineteenth century. In very general terms, one can say that, from the beginning of the twentieth century until the years prior to the 1973 coup d’état, the PC was predominantly more urban, secular, statist and egalitarian, whereas the PN was more rural and conservative in values, and more economically liberal and pro-market. These differences apart, by the beginning of the twentieth century both parties were national mass-membership organisations with various internal fractions that attracted voters in all social strata.
2 Uruguay has had democratic regimes from 1916 to 1933, from 1942 to 1973, and since 1985.
3 Luis Batlle Berres, speech, Esnal Club, Montevideo, 6 April 1962, quoted in Santiago Rompani (ed.), Luis Batlle. Pensamiento y acción. Discursos y artículos, vol. 1 (Montevideo: Alfa, 1965), pp. 701–7.
4 Following Sartori, Giovanni, Parties and Party Systems (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976)Google Scholar, I use the term ‘fraction’ to refer to observable sub-units within parties; furthermore, ‘fraction’ is cognate with Spanish ‘fracción’, used by Uruguayans in the same sense.
5 Luis Batlle Berres (1897–1964) was a nephew of two-time President José Batlle y Ordóñez (1903–7 and 1911–15). Batlle Berres was a deputy in Uruguay's lower chamber of Parliament between 1923 and 1933 and between 1942 and 1946. In 1946, he was elected vice-president; he became president in August 1947 on the death of President Tomás Berreta. The period that includes the PC governments, which were dominated by Batlle Berres’ fraction, has been called ‘Neobatllismo’. The terms ‘Batllismo’ and ‘Batllista’ are used to refer to (members of) the fractions of the PC that claim to continue the tradition founded by the two governments of Batlle y Ordóñez. For more information about Batlle Berres, see D'Elía, Germán, El Uruguay neo-batllista, 1946–1958 (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1986)Google Scholar; Frega, Ana, ‘Como el Uruguay no hay. Consideraciones en torno al Estado “neobatllista” y su crisis’, Encuentros, Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios, 2 (1993), pp. 91–103Google Scholar; Jorge Chagas, ‘Una interpretación del denominado “Neobatllismo”’, Thesis, Universidad de la República, Montevideo, 2013; Ferreira, Pablo, ‘La 15 y la 14. Dos lecturas del legado batllista’, in Daniel Buquet, Daniel Chasquetti and Felipe Monestier (eds.), Colorados (Montevideo: Crítica, 2021), pp. 259–67Google Scholar.
6 Rico, Álvaro, Cómo nos domina la clase gobernante: Orden político y obediencia social en la democracia posdictadura Uruguay (1985–2005) (Montevideo: Trilce, 2005), p. 38Google Scholar.
7 Herrerismo is a conservative fraction adhered to by the majority of the PN during most of the twentieth century, and remains its largest fraction. It was founded and led by Luis Alberto de Herrera (1873–1959) until his death. Between 1933 and 1942, Herrerismo was part of the authoritarian coalition led by conservative sectors of the PC. Except for that period, until its electoral victory in 1958, Herrerismo was the main conservative opposition to the Batllismo governments. For more on Herrerismo, see Zubillaga, Carlos, Herrera, la encrucijada nacionalista (Montevideo: Arca, 1976)Google Scholar; Reali, María Laura, Herrera: La revolución del orden: Discursos y prácticas políticas (1897–1929) (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2016)Google Scholar.
8 González, Luis Eduardo, Estructuras políticas y democracia en Uruguay (Montevideo: Fundación de Cultura Universitaria, 1993), p. 64Google Scholar.
9 In the first decades of the twentieth century, the Socialist Party, the Communist Party and a Catholic party called the Civic Union were formed. Until 1971, the combined share of votes of these parties obtained in national elections did not exceed 10 per cent. See Gerardo Caetano, Aldo Marchesi and Vania Markarian (eds.), Izquierdas (Montevideo: Crítica, 2021).
10 Back copies of Acción are not available online. Physical copies can be consulted in the press collections of the Biblioteca Nacional del Uruguay (BNU) and of the Biblioteca del Poder Legislativo de Uruguay (BPLU), both located in Montevideo.
11 The transition to democracy in Uruguay is conventionally regarded to have begun in 1980, with the voters’ rejection of a new constitution drafted by the military. The first post-authoritarian democratic government was installed in 1985.
12 For a review of trends in the study of Uruguay's and Latin America's recent past, see Aldo Marchesi et al., ‘Pensar el pasado reciente: Antecedentes y perspectivas’, in Marchesi et al. (eds.), El presente de la dictadura: Estudios y reflexiones a 30 años del golpe de Estado en Uruguay (Montevideo: Trilce, 2004), pp. 5–33; Aldo Marchesi and Jaime Yaffé, ‘La violencia bajo la lupa: Una revisión de la literatura sobre violencia política en los sesenta’, Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política, 19: 1 (2010), pp. 95–118; Marchesi, Aldo and Markarian, Vania, ‘Cinco décadas de estudios sobre la crisis, la democracia y el autoritarismo en Uruguay’, Contemporánea, 3 (2012), pp. 213–42Google Scholar.
13 One of the classic works of reference is Sartori, Parties and Party Systems, based on the spatial model developed by Anthony Downs in An Economic Theory of Democracy (New York: Harper, 1957).
14 Tilly, Charles, The Politics of Collective Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), pp. 21–2CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 Juan J. Linz, ‘Presidential or Parliamentary Democracy: Does It Make a Difference?’; and Luis Eduardo González and Charles Guy Gillespie, ‘Presidentialism and Democratic Stability in Uruguay’, in Juan J. Linz and Arturo Valenzuela (eds.), The Failure of Presidential Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), pp. 18–22; 233–7.
16 Drake, Paul W., Between Tyranny and Anarchy: A History of Democracy in Latin America, 1800–2006 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009), p. 168Google Scholar.
17 Marchesi and Yaffé, ‘La violencia bajo la lupa’; Marchesi and Markarian, ‘Cinco décadas de estudios sobre la crisis’.
18 Marchesi et al., ‘Pensar el pasado reciente’; Marchesi and Yaffé, ‘La violencia bajo la lupa’; Marchesi and Markarian, ‘Cinco décadas’. For examples of earlier works that broadened the chronological framework of the analysis of the cycle that ended with the fall of democracy, see Eloy, Rosa Alonso and Demasi, Carlos, Uruguay 1958–1968: Crisis y estancamiento (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1986)Google Scholar; Benjamín Nahum et al., El fin del Uruguay liberal: 1959–1973 (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1990); Álvaro Rico, Del liberalismo democrático al liberalismo conservador: El discurso ideológico desde el estado en la emergencia del 68 (Montevideo: Centro de Estudios Uruguayos, 1989); Carlos Zubillaga, ‘Los partidos políticos ante la crisis (1958–1983)’, in Gerardo Caetano et al. (eds.), De la tradición a la crisis: Pasado y presente de nuestro sistema de partidos (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1991), pp. 41–113; Rial, Juan, Partidos políticos, democracia y autoritarismo, 2 vols. (Montevideo: CIESU–Banda Oriental, 1984)Google Scholar.
19 Magdalena Broquetas (ed.), Historia visual del anticomunismo en Uruguay (1947–1985) (Montevideo: Universidad de la República, 2021); María Eugenia Jung, Laura Reali and Gustavo Vázquez, ‘La prédica de Nardone durante la guerra fría’, in Juan Oddone (ed.), Los efectos de la guerra fría en Argentina y Uruguay entre 1945 y 1960 (Montevideo: FHCE, 1997), pp. 4–19; Matías Rodríguez Metral, ‘“Los profesores soviéticos”: Anticomunismo y educación en Uruguay, 1948–1958’, Claves, 7: 13 (2021), pp. 265–88.
20 Bruno, Mauricio, La caza del fantasma. Benito Nardone y el anticomunismo en Uruguay. 1960–1962 (Montevideo: FHCE, 2007)Google Scholar; Broquetas, Magdalena, La trama autoritaria: Derechas y violencia en Uruguay (1958–1966) (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2014)Google Scholar.
21 Leibner, Gerardo, Camaradas y compañeros: Una historia política y social de los comunistas del Uruguay (Montevideo: Trilce, 2011)Google Scholar; Jaime Yaffé, ‘Izquierda y democracia en Uruguay, 1959–1973: Un estudio sobre lealtad democrática en tiempos de la Guerra Fría latinoamericana’, Doctoral dissertation, Universidad de la República, Montevideo, 2016.
22 Eduardo Rey Tristán, A la vuelta de la esquina: La izquierda revolucionaria uruguaya, 1955–1973 (Montevideo: Fin de Siglo, 2006); Duffau, Nicolás, El Coordinador (1963–1965): La participación de los militantes del Partido Socialista en los inicios de la violencia revolucionaria en Uruguay (Montevideo: FHCE, 2008)Google Scholar.
23 Clara Aldrighi, ‘La estación montevideana de la CIA. Operaciones encubiertas, espionaje y manipulación política’, Brecha, La Lupa, 25 Nov. 2005, available in the BNU or the BPLU; Clara Aldrighi (ed.), Conversaciones reservadas entre políticos uruguayos y diplomáticos estadounidenses. Uruguay y Estados Unidos. 1964–1966. La diplomacia de la Guerra Fría. Selección de documentos del Departamento de Estado (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2012); Fernando Aparicio, Roberto García Ferreira and Mercedes Terra, Espionaje y política: Guerra fría, inteligencia policial y anticomunismo en el sur de América Latina, 1947–1961 (Montevideo: Ediciones B, 2013).
24 D'Elía, El Uruguay neo-batllista; Frega, ‘Como el Uruguay no hay’; Chagas, ‘Una interpretación del denominado “Neobatllismo”’.
25 Ferreira, ‘La 15 y la 14’; Rodríguez Metral, ‘“Los profesores soviéticos”’; Felipe Monestier and Pablo Ferreira, ‘La Lista 14 y la formación de un batllismo de derecha’, in Magdalena Broquetas and Gerardo Caetano (eds.), Historia de los conservadores y las derechas en Uruguay, vol. 2: Guerra Fría, reacción y dictadura (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2022), pp. 47–63; Pablo Ferreira Rodríguez, ‘Batllismo, reforma política y conflicto social en los tempranos cincuenta: Una mirada desde la teoría de la democracia y la ciudadanía’, Revista Encuentros Uruguayos, 5: 1 (2012), pp. 179–205.
26 Jorge Batlle Ibáñez (1927–2016) served as a deputy and senator in several sessions of Parliament from 1958. He was a presidential candidate in 1966, 1971, 1989 and 1994. In 1999, he won the presidential election and governed the country between 2000 and 2005. On the process of ideological change led by Jorge Batlle after the death of his father, see Pablo Ferreira Rodríguez, ‘La república perdida: Democracia y ciudadanía en el discurso político de los batllistas de la lista quince: 1946–1972’, Master's thesis, Universidad de la República, Montevideo, 2013 and ‘El otro viraje: Democracia y ciudadanía en el discurso de la lista quince ante los debates constitucionales de 1951 y 1966’, Contemporánea, 5 (2014), pp. 105–23; Matías Rodríguez Metral, ‘En el llano: Adaptación política y renovación del programa económico de la Lista Quince del Partido Colorado, 1958–1966’, Master's thesis, Universidad de la República, Montevideo, 2017.
27 Jorge Lanzaro, ‘El presidencialismo pluralista en la “segunda” transición (1985–1996)’, in Lanzaro (ed.), La ‘segunda’ transición en el Uruguay: Gobierno y partidos en un tiempo de reformas (Montevideo: Fundación de Cultura Universitaria, 2000), p. 103.
28 Ibid., p. 102.
29 Panizza, Francisco, Uruguay: Batllismo y después: Pacheco, militares y tupamaros en la crisis del Uruguay batllista (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1990), p. 99Google Scholar.
30 A constitutional reform approved in 1951 replaced the system of presidential unitary executive power with a Consejo Nacional de Gobierno (National Council of Government) composed of nine members, six from the majority party and three from the opposition, referred to as the ‘Colegiado’. A previous version of the Colegiado had functioned between 1918 and 1934. On the development of Uruguay's institutions, see Chasquetti, Daniel, ‘Tres experimentos constitucionales. El complejo proceso de diseño del Poder Ejecutivo en Uruguay’, Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política, 27: 1 (2018), pp. 41–64Google Scholar.
31 The Tribunal de Cuentas (Court of Auditors), the Tribunal de lo Contencioso Administrativo (Administrative Court) and the Corte Electoral (Electoral Court).
32 According to available estimates, in 1966 the two major parties had 8,000 clubs operating in Montevideo, where 525,000 citizens were eligible to vote: Rama, Germán, El club político (Montevideo: Arca, 1971), p. 13Google Scholar.
33 Greg Grandin, The Last Colonial Massacre: Latin America in the Cold War (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2011), pp. 5–8; Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough, ‘Introduction: The Postwar Conjuncture in Latin America: Democracy, Labor, and the Left’, in Bethell and Roxborough (eds.), Latin America between the Second World War and the Cold War, 1944–1948 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), pp. 1–32.
34 A law (no. 10,449) establishing collective wage bargaining (Consejos de Salarios), which included monetary transfers to families with children (Asignaciones Familiares), was passed in 1943. In the following years, the Uruguayan state nationalised trolley-bus companies (1947), trains (1948), aviation (1951) and the company charged with the supply and distribution of drinking water (1952). Additionally, during 1942–58 the country strengthened protectionist measures to promote import substitution industrialisation. See Luis Bértola, La industria manufacturera uruguaya, 1913–1961: Un enfoque sectorial de su crecimiento, fluctuaciones y crisis (Montevideo: Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, 1991); Fernando Filgueira et al., ‘Los dos ciclos del Estado uruguayo en el siglo XX’, in Benjamín Nahum and Gerardo Caetano (eds.), El Uruguay del siglo XX, vol. 2: La política (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2003), pp. 173–204; Finch, M. H. J., A Political Economy of Uruguay since 1870 (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 1981), p. 218CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
35 Panizza, Uruguay, p. 92.
36 See Laclau, Ernesto, La razón populista (Buenos Aires: FCE, 2005)Google Scholar; Kirk Hawkins, Scott Riding and Cas Mudde, ‘Measuring Populist Attitudes’, Committee on Concepts and Methods, Working Paper Series, 55, 2012.
37 Leslie Bethell and Ian Roxborough, ‘Conclusion: The Postwar Conjuncture in Latin America and its Consequences’, in Bethell and Roxborough (eds.), Latin America, pp. 327–34.
38 Porrini, Rodolfo, La nueva clase trabajadora uruguaya (1940–1950) (Montevideo: FHCE, 2005)Google Scholar. See also note 34.
39 See note 7. Through this pact, called the Coincidencia Patriótica (Patriotic Concordance), Batlle Berres obtained support for a series of reforms that broadened the field of state intervention in the economy. In exchange, the Herreristas obtained numerous positions in the Colegiado. Gerardo Caetano and José Rilla, ‘El gobierno como cogobierno: Despliegues y repliegues de la partidocracia uruguaya, 1942–1973’, in Lanzaro (ed.), La ‘segunda’ transición en el Uruguay, p. 239.
40 Bértola, La industria manufacturera uruguaya, pp. 269–73; Finch, A Political Economy of Uruguay, pp. 220–45.
41 Lanzaro, Jorge, Sindicatos y sistema político: Relaciones corporativas en el Uruguay, 1940–1985 (Montevideo: Fundación de Cultura Universitaria, 1986), pp. 69–70Google Scholar.
42 Buquet, Daniel and Chasquetti, Daniel, ‘La democracia en Uruguay: Una partidocracia de consenso’, Política, 42 (2004), pp. 221–47Google Scholar.
43 On the origin of the Ruralist movement and Nardone's rise to power see Jacob, Raúl, Benito Nardone: El ruralismo hacia el poder (1945–1958) (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1981)Google Scholar. Nardone was a member of the Colegiado between 1959 and 1963 (President, 1960–1).
44 On the role of Nardone and Ruralism in the spread of anti-communism see Jung, Reali and Vázquez, ‘La prédica de Nardone’; Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’.
45 José Pedro Barrán, Los conservadores uruguayos, 1870–1933 (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2004); Gerardo Caetano, El liberalismo conservador (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 2021).
46 On lead-up to the coup of 1933, see Gerardo Caetano and Raúl Jacob, El nacimiento del terrorismo, vol. 2: Camino al golpe (Montevideo: Banda Oriental, 1990).
47 Quoted by Jacob, Benito Nardone, p. 140.
48 Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’; Broquetas, La trama autoritaria.
49 Finch, A Political Economy of Uruguay, p. 229.
50 Bértola, La industria manufacturera uruguaya, p. 246.
51 Alonso Eloy and Demasi, Uruguay 1958–1968; Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’; Broquetas, La trama autoritaria.
52 Rama, Germán W., La democracia en Uruguay: Una perspectiva de interpretación (Montevideo: Arca, 1987), p. 109Google Scholar.
53 These efforts included presenting bills similar to those approved by several other Latin American countries outlawing communist or Marxist parties and to control the accession of ‘internal enemies’ to public office by requiring ‘declarations of democratic faith’: Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’, p. 8.
54 The MPS govern the declaration of a state of emergency. Through this mechanism, the executive power may suspend the rule of law in circumstances that include ‘external attack’ and ‘internal commotion’. These measures have appeared in all Uruguayan constitutions since 1830. On the use of the MPS in Cold War Uruguay see Mariana Iglesias, ‘La excepción como práctica de gobierno en Uruguay, 1946–1963’, Contemporánea, 2 (2011), pp. 137–55.
55 Aldrighi, ‘La estación montevideana de la CIA’; Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’; Aldrighi (ed.), Conversaciones reservadas; Broquetas, La trama autoritaria.
56 Bucheli, Gabriel, ‘Organizaciones “demócratas” y radicalización anticomunista en Uruguay, 1959–1962’, Contemporánea, 3 (2012), pp. 31–52Google Scholar; Broquetas, La trama autoritaria.
57 The crime was never solved, but investigations confirmed the presence of armed right-wing extremist groups at the scene and the existence of links between them and the intelligence services of the US embassy: Bacchetta, Víctor L., El asesinato de Arbelio Ramírez: La república a la deriva (Montevideo: Doble Clic Editores, 2010)Google Scholar.
58 Ernesto Bohoslavsky and Magdalena Broquetas, ‘Vínculos locales y conexiones transnacionales del anticomunismo en Argentina y Uruguay en las décadas de 1950 y 1960’, Nuevo mundo, mundos nuevos, 2017, https://doi.org/10.4000/nuevomundo.70510 (URL last accessed 29 Aug. 2023); ‘Brutal atentado nazi contra una joven’, Acción, 7 July 1962; Época, 7 July 1962, p. 7, available in the BNU.
59 Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’, p. 119.
60 Daniel Álvarez Ferretjans, Historia de la prensa en el Uruguay: Desde La Estrella del Sur a Internet (Montevideo: Búsqueda–Fin de Siglo, 2008); Julio María Sanguinetti, Luis Batlle Berres: El Uruguay del optimismo (Montevideo: Taurus, 2014).
61 Available estimates state that Acción had an average daily circulation of 20,000; Montevideo had approximately 350,000 households at the time: Faraone, Roque, La prensa de Montevideo: Estudio sobre algunas de sus características (Montevideo: Facultad de Derecho, 1960)Google Scholar and Medios masivos de comunicación (Montevideo: Nuestra Tierra, 1969).
62 See, for example, the editorials of the following issues: 2, 14, 19, 20 and 26 Jan.; 7 March; 5, 7, 9, 16, 20, 23, 26, 27, 28, 30 and 31 July; 2, 3 and 15 Aug.; 28 Oct.; 11, 12 and 15 Nov., all from 1962.
63 Accusations that Herrerismo was sympathetic to the Axis forces had been commonplace in the political struggle of the 1930s and 1940s. See José Rilla, La actualidad del pasado: Usos de la historia en la política de partidos del Uruguay (1942–1972) (Montevideo: Debate, 2008); Barrán, Los conservadores uruguayos; Alonso Eloy and Demasi, Uruguay 1958–1968.
64 Rompani (ed.), Luis Batlle, vol. 1, pp. 616–18.
65 ‘De domingo a domingo’, Acción, 11 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
66 ‘Ya no es más democrática’, Acción, 12 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
67 Speech, Tacuarembó, Acción, 11 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
68 Acción, 18 Nov. 1962, p. 3. The report does not identify the speaker, although some references in the text suggest that it was Amílcar Vasconcellos, a leading figure of the fraction, former minister and, between 1963 and 1967, representative of the opposition in the Colegiado.
69 Acción, 5 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
70 Acción, 22 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
71 Acción, 14 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
72 Acción, 20 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
73 ‘Pensando en el país’, Acción, 30 Oct. 1962, p. 3.
74 ‘Cuidar las libertades’, Acción, 4 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
75 President of the Republic from 1985 to 1990 and from 1995 to 2000; a leading figure in Uruguayan politics since the middle of the twentieth century.
76 ‘Tradición colorada’, Acción, 29 July 1962, p. 3.
77 ‘Cuidar las libertades’.
78 Paradoxically, during the 1966–73 governments of the PC, many of the Batllista leaders who had condemned the suppression of demonstrations by the teaching unions and the student movement in 1962 adopted very similar measures.
79 Acción, 26 Oct. 1962, p. 3.
80 ‘La autonomía de la enseñanza amenazada’, Acción, 30 Jan. 1962, p. 3.
81 Acción, 20 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
82 Ibid.
83 ‘Danza de sables’, Acción, 30 Oct. 1962, p. 6.
84 Diario de Sesiones de la Cámara de Representantes (the official record of the proceedings of the lower chamber of Parliament), 19 July 1962, pp. 66–7, quoted by Bruno, ‘La caza del fantasma’, p. 73.
85 A method of torture in which the victim is forced to sit for long periods astride a sharp edge, causing pain and damage to the perineum.
86 Acción, 24 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
87 ‘Ya nadie puede dudar’, Acción, 11 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
88 D'Elía, El Uruguay neo-batllista, p. 48.
89 Acción, 8 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
90 ‘Cuando amenazan los poderosos’, Acción, 11 Feb. 1962, p. 3.
91 Roballo, speech, Tacuarembó, Acción, 11 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
92 ‘Ya nadie puede dudar’.
93 ‘El País las anuncia’, Acción, 17 Jan. 1962, p. 3.
94 ‘¿Traición del subconsciente?’, Acción, 2 Jan. 1962, p. 3.
95 Enrique Rodríguez Fabregat, speech, Acción, 13 Nov. 1962, p. 7. Rodríguez Fabregat was a candidate for the Colegiado.
96 ‘La risa de los Ubedes’, Acción, 8 Oct. 1962, p. 3. The ‘Ubedes’ were members of the Unión Blanca Democrática (White Democratic Union, UBD) fraction of the PN.
97 Rodríguez Fabregat, speech, 13 Nov. 1962.
98 Acción, 15 Nov. 1962, p. 3.
99 Batlle Berres, speech, Esnal Club, 6 April 1962.
100 ‘Ya nadie puede dudar’.