Abstract
Pottery-making practices have been approached by the use and application of the concept of chaîne opératoire in different parts of the world. This concept has allowed researchers to re-evaluate the social dimensions of technological studies as well as to explore aspects related to technical and social identity of ancient and modern artisans. In this article, we examine the use of grog (crushed sherds) to temper specific ceramic vessels (infant funerary urns) as material practice often used by ancient potters during Late (c. 950–1450 AD) and Inca (c. 1450–1532 AD) Periods in the Northwestern Argentine (NWA) region. The research shows that this practice can be understood as a ritual material practice with a long-standing tradition in the NWA region. Additionally, several alternative interpretations of this practice are explored in the light of different – animistic – understandings of how the Andean world works, and how people interact each other, with material things, and with landscape.
1 Introduction
Pottery-making practices were one of the most intensive material daily-day tasks during different prehispanic times in the Northwestern Argentine (NWA) region. Pottery is present as an important but the most significant material evidence all over the territory, and basically, it has served archaeologists to build cultural chronologies (González, 1977, 1998; González & Pérez, 1972). Pottery, as a materiality, also played a multifaceted key role in different spheres of people’s behavior in the past (e.g., serving food, liquid and food transport and storage, funerary containers, prestige goods) interacting between people, between people and things, and between people and the landscape (Dietler & Herbich, 1998; Stark, 1998, 1999). Late (c. 900–1450 AD) and Inca (c. 1452–1532 AD) cultural periods at NWA have not been an exception to the above ideas and pottery production has been a highly developed craft during these two prehispanic times although with different intensities (Baldini, 2002; Baldini & Balbarrey, 2004; Canal, Dulout, & Wynveldt, 1999; Carosio, 2017, 2018; Cremonte, 2014a,b; Cremonte, Maro, & Díaz, 2015; De La Fuente, 2004, 2011; De La Fuente, Ferguson, & Glascock, 2015; Feely, 2010; Feely, Basile, & Ratto, 2007, González, 1977; Iucci, 2009; Iucci & Alperin, 2019; Iucci, Volzone, Morosi, & Zagorodny, 2010; Marchegiani & Greco, 2007; Nielsen, 2007; Páez, 2010, 2013; Páez, Manasse, Ovejero, & Toselli, 2005; Páez, Manasse, & Toselli, 2007; Palamarczuk, 2002, 2008, 2009; Palamarczuk & Manasiewicz, 2001; Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2007, 2022; Pérez Pieroni, 2015, 2018, 2021; Piñeiro, 1996; Puente, 2010a,b,c, 2011, 2012; Ratto, 2013; Ratto, Orgaz, & Plá, 2002, 2004; Sjödin, 1998, 2001; Tarragó, 2000; Williams et al., 2016; Wynveldt, 2008; Wynveldt, Zagorodny, & Morosi, 2005/2007; Zagorodny, Morosi, Iucci, & Wynveld, 2010; Zagorodny, Morosi, & Wynveldt, 2007). Technological approaches to study archaeological pottery have involved the use of the analytical concept of chaîne opératoire and its implicancies derived from the anthropology of technology theoretical framework. This research has been oriented to reconstruct different stages of the chaîne opératoire of pottery production mainly during the Late Period and its transition to Inca times at NWA (Carosio, 2017, 2018; De La Fuente, 2011; Pérez Pieroni, 2015; Puente, 2011, 2012). This article examines the phenomenon of use of grog (crushed shards) as a tempering agent of clay formation in ceramic pastes during the final stage of the Late period and the Inca times at NWA.
2 Theoretical Background
For Lemonnier (1992) technology is a social fact that responds to a social reality and that includes all the processes that take part in the modification of the matter. The elements present in a technological process are not only tangible but also intangible. Lemonnier (1992) lists the following five: (1) matter, including the body where techniques are acted and applied; (2) energy, the forces in charge of transforming matter; (3) objects, tools, or means of work that are used to modify matter; (4) gestures, which move the objects involved in a technical action; and (5) specific knowledge, made up of manual skills or “know-how,” which is conscious or unconscious and may or may not be expressed by the actors. All these elements are interrelated with each other. Thinking about technology from the perspective of Pierre Lemonnier implies going beyond the merely material and functional, considering an elementary part of any technological process those less visible aspects that make it up and that intervene in the decisions that will be taken to modify the matter. It could be said that these technological choices respond to the social and political reality of the artisan, turning material production into a symbolic structure, where through it the world is perceived and understood (Dobres & Hoffman, 1994).
Highlighting the symbolic role of technology is highlighting the active role of objects, which brings together not only the merely material but also the social and symbolic sphere (Dobres & Hoffman, 1994; Ingold, 1990). We should not think of the properties of materials as attributes, rather, they are stories (Ingold, 2012, p. 435). Understanding the materials is being able to tell their stories of what they do and what happens to them when they are treated in particular ways in the very practice of working with them. Following the objects implies thinking about dynamic and historical processes that are established based on a multifaceted reality (Ingold, 2012). Each object presents particularities that must be understood in its terms and at the same time it conditions the user. From this point of view, it would be appropriate to look for theoretical and methodological tools that allow us to think about a reflective archeology of objects.
2.1 Following Things: The Chaîne Opératoire
To talk about chaîne opératoire, it is necessary to go back to the work of Leroi-Gourhan, a French prehistorian and ethnologist where his main contribution lies in the study of material culture and techniques as socially constructed phenomena. For this, he proposes a series of categories and methods to think about materiality (Leroi-Gourhan, 1943, 1945, 1964, 1965). In the first instance, he proposes the existence of a technical universality that would condition the entire human species. He called this phenomenon a technical trend, which, although it presents an evolutionary process associated with the improvement of techniques and materials, changes in a limited, inevitable, and foreseeable way. This trend materializes in technical facts, which respond to the particular needs of each group. In this sense, Leroi-Gourhan’s approach seeks to think about technological dynamics and its relationship with the technical system (universal technical sphere) and other social systems (ethnic sphere): “Traversing” ethnic media, it “diffracts” into an indefinite diversity of facts, which, reading Mileu et Technique, would lead us to study the relationship between technique, whose essence is the universal tendency, and the ethnic, whose manifestation, of which it is the particular concretization, covers universality (Stiegler, 2002, p. 71). In a search for an appropriate method that allows analyzing the technological sphere, Leroi-Gourhan observed the information potential that allowed analyzing technical processes through the sequential analysis of operations and actions, establishing the concept of chaîne opératoire: “The technique is both gesture and toll, organized in chains by a true syntax that gives the operative series both their fixity and their flexibility. The operative syntax is proposed by memory and is born between the brain and the material environment” (Leroi-Gourhan, 1964, p. 116).
The concept of chaîne opératoire has been widely accepted, especially in the investigations carried out in France and mainly in the problems related to lithic studies (Delage, 2017; Martinon-Torres, 2002). With regard to the study of ceramic production, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s that researchers began to problematize in depth and renowned proposals flourished in the 1990s, such as those by Balfet, Bertehelot, and Monzón (1992), Gosselain (1999, 2000), Lemonnier (1986, 1992, 1993), Rye (1981), and van der Leew (1993), to name a few. The chaîne opératoire is defined as the series of operations that goes from obtaining the raw material to the conformation of a manufactured object (Creswell, 1983; Leroi-Gourhan, 1964). It is not only a simple description of the materials and techniques involved in the physical transformation of the raw material into a cultural object, but also its importance lies in the fact that through it we must be able to interrelate the elements, with the knowledge acquired in a traditional, alternatives and individual or collective “know-how,” opening paths to the social aspects of the craftsman (García Rosselló, 2009a,b; Schlanger, 2005). This sequence of operations is not universal, which is why analyzing the reality of technological objects implies considering the context of the actors. This lack of universality is due to the fact that the chaîne opératoire is produced based on a learning process that limits the ways in which it proceeds at each moment. This is what Lemonnier calls technological choices: to make an object it is necessary to consider that, from obtaining the raw material to the final preparation, there are multiple ways to complete production, for which the craftsman must choose within a range of possibilities how to carry it out. These technological choices (established over time through a teaching process) are not consensual but rather respond to the social and political reality in which the artisan is immersed (Gosselain, 2000, 2010; Gosselain & Livingstone-Smith, 1995; Lemonnier, 1986, 1992, 1993). These technological choices can be understood from the perspective of Pierre Bourdieu in the concept of habitus: considered systems of dispositions, attitudes, and acquired inclinations, which condition the practices of social agents (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 86). Like technological choices, habitus acts unconsciously, incorporated into individuals through a learning process that can be implicit or explicit (Fowler & Zavaleta, 2013).
2.2 The Body as a Transmitter of Knowledge
A technological analysis from the concept of chaîne opératoire implies considering that objects are the product of a socially established sequence of operations. Therefore, studying technology considering only the final product is limiting its potential, since all elements (tangible and intangible) must be taken into account. An important aspect that has not always been taken into account in technological analysis is the technical gestures. As we stated before, the gesture is in charge of moving the objects (Lemonnier, 1992); therefore, the movement is part of the technological process. The first to consider the importance of bodily movement was Mauss (1991[1935]), who made a contribution of great importance to sociology and anthropology by claiming the human body is an effective technical tool for the transmission of knowledge (De La Calle Valverde, 2011; Lévi-Strauss, 1991[1946]; Mauss, 1991[1935]; Panachuk, 2013). His study on body techniques refers to the way in which people have used their bodies in a traditional way, where movement, instead of being simple individual mechanical reflexes, is the result of socially learned and generationally transmitted knowledge (Mauss, 1991[1935], p. 337). In relation to this, Gosselain (2008, 2010) states that learning implies a close relationship between teacher and apprentice, a relationship that is not necessarily established institutionally and consciously but can occur through daily relationships. The teacher is in charge of transmitting physical-motor schemes through indications and restrictions on the correct positioning of the body. From there, the repetition of an action refines the motor quality and broadens the experience of the body (Panachuk, 2013, 2018). Learning lasts until the practices are memorized, in an unconscious psychomotor scheme generating almost automatic gestures. This is how the “know-how” is transmitted generationally, since the teacher who teaches was once a pupil and went through that same learning process.
Gestural innovation is a difficult act to generate, especially in the learning process, since it implies unlearning that built-in habit and “relearning” new mental schemes unless drastic circumstances arise that lead to structural changes (García Rosselló & Calvo Trías, 2014; Gosselain, 2008). For this reason, it is interesting to consider the analysis of the gesture in technology, since learning at the individual level incorporates a specific habitus through the relationship between teacher–pupil which is stable and resistant to innovation, reproducing social patterns inherited generationally. It is the continuities or ruptures within the technological patterns that will allow us to discern whether or not we are facing the transformation of a technological tradition. It is here where the analysis of the chaîne opératoire acquires importance, since, through the observation of similar or different characteristics; we can delve into aspects related to learning (García Rosselló & Calvo Trías, 2013). Within this context, the identification of body movements would make up the minimum unit of analysis or the “atom of technical action” to which one could aspire (García Rosselló & Calvo Trías, 2013, p. 73). Reaching this level of analysis would allow us to delve further into the traditions of a society.
3 Grog as Temper
Pottery production implies the conjunction of two ancestral knowledge, modeling in clay and the use of fire, which leads to the modification of the physical–chemical characteristics of the clay (Orton et al., 1997; Rice, 1981; Rye, 1981; Sinopoli, 1991). Clay is the main component, being a natural sediment originated by the decomposition of feldspathic rocks and composed of particles that are equal to or less than 2 μm. The main characteristic is its high plasticity in contact with water, which allows its malleability (Linares et al., 1983). The deposits of clay can be found in different places, being primary those that are located in the same place of origin or secondary when they were dragged by erosive agents to a new location. Although it is a type of sediment that is found in almost the entire surface of the earth’s crust, not all clays have similar physical–chemical characteristics, so the mechanical behavior of each deposit will present its particularities. For this reason, not all clays are suitable for pottery (Orton et al., 1993; Rye, 1981). Potters do not always work directly with the clay, but instead incorporate external elements in order to give the piece greater consistency and/or greater plasticity. This incorporation can be of mineral or vegetable origin (sand, branches, shells, grog or chamotte, dry clay, etc.).
Following García Rosselló and Calvo Trías (2013, pp. 32–33), the functional factors that lead to the incorporation of inclusions may be due to: a decrease in the proportion of water in the mix, a reduction in drying time, a decrease in the contraction capacity of the clay once dry, better resistance to humidity, harmonizing the drying process, a reduction or increase in the plasticity of the clay, an increase in the consistency of the clay, an improvement of the modeling work, an improvement in thermal resistance, an increase or decrease in the required cooking temperature, an improvement in resistance to thermal stress, that is, a better assimilation of sudden changes in temperature, and finally, inclusions allow a better functional adaptation to the use for which the piece was originally conceived.
Undoubtedly, the most important transformation that affects ceramics occurs during firing, a crucial moment when the clay modifies its physical–chemical properties and becomes ceramic. However, previously, there are successive physical–mechanical transformations that are produced by the gradual loss of humidity.
In addition to the functional aspect, the geological characteristics of the environment and traditional cultural aspects must also be considered. In this way, a material is generated where it is possible to distinguish a fine fraction (the matrix composed of clay minerals) and a thick one (inclusions). The importance of the study of non-plastic inclusions in pastes is justified by the fact that it is a technological aspect that gives us clues about the potter’s choices. The addition of non-plastic inclusions – or temper (see discussion on Rice, 1987, pp. 406–412) – to the clay to achieve a good workability of ceramic pastes is a common practice all over the world between ancient and modern potters (Rice, 1987; Rye, 1981; Shepard, 1956; Sinopoli, 1991). Most often added non-plastic inclusions do have a mineral, organic, or cultural origin; or a mix of them (Rice, 1987; Rye, 1981; Quinn, 2013; Santacreu Albero, 2014). Grog, or crushed sherds, is an anthropogenic or cultural added temper to form the ceramic pastes (Rice, 1987). Moreover, the use of grog might be part of strong traditions of modern non-occidental pottery-making societies (see, e.g., Barley, 1994; Gosselain, 2008; Gosselain & Livingstone-Smith, 2005).
The functional implications of using grog as a temper have been extensively discussed by Rice (1987, pp. 229–230, 406–412) and Santacreu Albero (2014, pp. 70, 73). According to Rice, grog as having a low coefficient thermal expansion, very similar to fired clay, it is an appropriate temper for cooking vessels, thus decreasing the risk for thermal stress and breaking the vessels during repeatedly heating (Rice, 1987, pp. 229–230). Additionally, a methodological and technical effort has been put to properly identify this culturally added temper in ceramic pastes, basically mainly applying a petrographic approach (Cuomo Di Caprio & Vaughan, 1993; Quinn, 2013; Whitbread, 1986).
Grog, as temper, used by ancient and modern potters has been identified in different parts of the world (e.g., Barley, 1994; Gosselain, 2008; Orton et al. 1993; Rice, 1987, pp. 74–75, 118, 229–230, 304, 407–412; Rye, 1981, pp. 33–34; Santacreu Albero, 2014, pp. 70, 73; Shepard, 1965, pp. 24–27; Spataro, 2004; Velde & Druc, 1999). Archaeological research dealing with the intensive use of grog by ancient potters has been recorded by González and Stanton (2014) in Yucatán (México), Kreiter, Bajnoczi, Sipos, Szakmany, and Toth (2007) and Koutouvaki, Amicona, Kristow, Stefan, and Berthold (2021) in Hungary, Larsson (2008) and Holmqvist et al. (2018) in Scandinavia, Buchanan (2017) in the Midwestern US, and Letieri, Cocco, De La Fuente, Meletta, and Alberico (2012) and Di Prado et al. (2020) in the Northeastern Argentine region.
4 Grog and Pottery-Making Practices at NWA
Prehispanic pottery-making societies at NWA are usually characterized by conservative crafting material practice. Potting has been a traditional conservative craft during different chrono-cultural prehispanic periods. The Late Period (c. ACE 900–ACE 1450) in NWA was traditionally characterized as a time of marked regional development, increased socio-political complexity, inequality, economic stratification, and internal conflicts (warfare) (González, 1977; Raffino, 1991; Tarragó, 2000). It was a time when regional chiefdoms arose in different geographical areas – identified with specific valleys – and leading to centralized power, controlled labor forces, increased social inequality, craft specialization, and the beginning of large fortified sites in the form of conglomerates strategically built on defensive locations (cf. Leoni & Acuto, 2008; Nielsen, 2007). The Belén and Santamaría cultures were characterized as Late Period chiefdoms with an increased socio-political complexity, a strong emphasis in agricultural and pastoralist economy – as attested by large stone masonry settlements and intensified agricultural infrastructure – and the existence of craft specialization, the evidence of which is mostly based in the archaeological record of pottery production (González, 1977; Raffino, 1991; Tarragó, 2000). One of the most important aspects of the Late Period concerns the mortuary practices, namely the occurrence of funerary urns for infant burials, and in some exceptional cases also for adults (González, 1977). Treatment of these burials involved a complex ritual mortuary practice, including several different patterns of fantastic decoration on the external surfaces of the funerary urns, which in turn is a very conspicuous feature characterizing these Late Period societies (e.g., Nastri, 2008; Wynveldt, 2008).
The Inca state was a macro socio-political structure that controlled a vast territory for almost a century (c. 1480 ACE–1532 ACE), extending its political and economic dominion from Northern Ecuador to Southern Chile (Murra, 1980). The Incas divided their territory into several provinces in which they applied different systematic policies to control the production of material goods, reflected in craft specialization (coca growers, miners, potters, weavers, farmers, fishers, etc.) at the local and state levels (D’Altroy, 1992; Murra, 1980; Spurling, 1992).
Concerning the decoration of these vessels, pre-firing painting was the technique most widely used by ancient potters. Late Period vessels usually present two or three painted colors drawn on a red or cream slip. Belén vessels (urns and bowls) are black-on-red decorated with a very narrow morphological variability showing figurative and geometric designs; whereas Sanagasta pottery (urns, bowls, and ollas) is characterized by black-on-cream/white, mainly with geometric designs (Basile, 2013; De La Fuente, 2011; Iucci, 2016; Puente, 2012; Wynveldt & Iucci, 2009). On the other hand, Inca pottery (aryballous, bowls, plates, jars) was extremely standardized in form and decoration throughout all the controlled territory (Bray, 2003; D’Altroy, 1992; Meyers, 1975; Williams, 1999). Inca vessels in the NWA present mainly geometric designs and black-on-red colors in their decoration (Calderari & Williams, 1991).
Despite a long tradition on potting practices, technological studies – mainly through ceramic petrography – have identified the intensive use of grog as tempering agent only in the Late (c. 950–1450 AD) and Inca (c. 1450–1532 AD) periods (Carosio, 2017, 2018; Carosio & Iniesta, 2017; Cremonte, 1991b; De La Fuente, 2004, 2011; Feely, 2010; Gasparotti, 2017, 2018; Iucci, 2013; Iucci & Alperin, 2019; Larcher & Cremonte, 2018; López Campeny, 2009; Orgaz & De La Fuente, 2013; Otero & Cremonte, 2014; Páez, 2013; Páez et al., 2005, 2007; Palamarczuk, 2008; Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2007, 2022; Pérez, 2013; Pérez & Tchilinguirian, 2016; Piñeiro, 1996; Puente, 2010a,b,c,d, 2012, 2015, 2017; Schuster, 2005; Sjödin, 2001; Vera, 2016; Vera & De La Fuente, 2018; Vera, De La Fuente, & Rasmussen, 2019; Wynveldt, 2008; Zagorodny et al., 2010). This material practice has been shared together with the incorporation of pyroclastic material, identified in the fresh cuts as white inclusions, in ceramic vessels from Late period societies in close relationship with the Inca. The incorporation of significant amounts of this class of volcanic temper in Inca ceramics present in different Inca sites has led researchers to argue that this pottery was made under a tradition of highland manufacturing, by mitmaqkuna potters moved by the Inca from the Puna area (NWA) (Cremonte, 1991a,b, 1994; also cf. González & Gili, 2019 for north-central Chile and Hayashida, 1998; Szilágyi et al., 2012; Ixer et al., 2014 for Central Andes). This is explained because the white inclusions (shales and slates) are a fundamental element to define the ceramic manufacturing tradition of Yavi culture in the Puna region (Cremonte, 2014a,b; see also for alternative functional interpretation Paéz & Sardi, 2014; Prieto Olavarría y Páez, 2015).
The ancient potters’ practice of grinding sherds or broken vessels, reducing grogs (crushed sherds) to a desirable size, selecting the most usable, and finally, using them as a temper in the production of a ceramic paste and making a new pottery vessel was a recurring practice during Late and Inca periods in several archaeological sites geographically located in different valleys at NWA (Figure 1). Table 1 provides comprehensive data regarding the site, geographic coordinates, ceramic composition, and grog form as determined through petrography in NWA, as documented in the published literature. This material practice has been identified both in sherds belonging to the last stages of the Late period, already coexisting with the presence of the Incas, as well as in the typical and standardized Inca vessels (De La Fuente, 2004; Paéz & Sardi, 2014). Whether this material and cultural practice was a local tradition and shared all over the region during the Late Period and technologically transferred to the Inca potters during the effective occupation, or it was a practice that came with the Incas and modified the material way of potting in local populations, it is not clear right now. What we can affirm with a degree of certainty is that the use of grog tempering in the southwestern region of Catamarca province during the Late and Inca periods appears to lack significant functional significance. For example, one can observe that grog-tempered vessels from this era encompass infant funerary urns and bowls in the Late Period and aryballos and shallow plates during Inca times (Figure 2). It’s worth noting that all these vessel types were primarily employed for non-cooking daily activities. Also, we do not know exactly what specific types of ceramic forms were grounded and incorporated as temper inside the new ones. This, in turn, could imply that a specific vessel or what it means or represents for the potter or collectively to the community might last through time despite its loss of material existence; thus, crushed sherds or grogs can remember or evoke the object to which it belonged and also its biography and the social relations in which it was involved. This is partially what Nigel Barley has called “the potting model” in northern Cameroon (Barley, 1994). A sort of metaphor that explains part of a cosmogony of a society through an experienced technical process, in this case making pots – or potting – materialized with a specific chaîne opératoire and a traditional way of doing (see also Gosselain, 1999, 2011). In the South American Central Andean region, several authors have argued that the relation between people, things, and places might be explained by assuming the existence of an animism ontology, by which mostly all the things involved in nature do have life (mountains, rivers, rocks, material objects), they are sentient entities, and thus humans engage with the material world in a historical and situated way (Allen, 1982, 1988, 2015a; Arnold, 2017; Bastien, 1978; Gose, 1994; Sillar, 2009; also see Tantaleán, 2019 for a discussion). Sillar (2000a,b) have highlighted that daily pottery-making practices, as technological choices, in highland Andean communities are engaged or embedded in other daily-life activities such as agricultural communal activities, repairing houses, fences, field manuring, processing different food items, and preparing alcoholic beverages like chicha.
NWA region, showing the main geographical areas where “grog” has been identified in Late and Inca pottery. Sites: (1) Tambería de Guandacol, (2) Costa de Reyes No 5, (3) GPS042, (4) SaCat02, (5) SaCat13, (6) Batungasta, (7) Quintar 1, (8) San Francisco, (9) Shincal, (10) El Montículo, (11) Cerro Colorado, (12) Loma de la Escuela, (13) Loma de Los Antiguos, (14) El Molino, (15) Pueblo Viejo del Eje, (16) Los Viscos, (17) El Durazno, (18) La Angostura, (19) Potrero Chaquiago, (20) Lorohuasi, (21) San Expedito, (22) Rincón Chico, (23) Los Cardones, (24) Loma Alta, (25) Las Mojarras, (26) Fuerte Quemado, (27) Tolombón, (28) Angastaco, (29) S.Tuc.Tav.15, (30) LCZVIID3, (31) LC (1), (32) LCZVIII1, (33) El Mollar, (34) La Alumbrera, (35) Bajo del Coypar II, (36) Casa Chávez Montículo, (37) Peñas Coloradas, (38) Punta de la Peña 9, (39) Piedra Honrada 2, (40) Corral Alto, (41) Las Escondidas, (42) Tebenquiche Chico, and (43) Doncellas.
Archaeological sites where “grog” is reported in thin section in the NWA region
| Geographical location | Archaeological site | Ceramic style | Ceramic form | Density (%) | Granulometry (phi-scale) | Frequency (no sherds) | Chronological period | References |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Guandacol Valley (La Rioja) | Tambería de Guandacol (1) | Sanagasta/Angualasto | Bowl | 0.66–14.66 | — | 52 | Late Period | Carosio, 2017, 2018; Carosio & Iniesta, 2017 |
| Olla | — | |||||||
| Urn | — | |||||||
| Abaucán Valley (Catamarca) | Costa de Reyes N°5 (2) | Sanagasta/Angualasto | Undetermined | 10–20 | Medium | 3 | Late Period | De La Fuente et al., 2015; Vera, 2016; Vera & De La Fuente, 2018; Vera et al., 2019 |
| Tardío | Olla | 15–30 | Medium–coarse | 2 | ||||
| Inca | Ariballoid | 15–20 | Fine | 7 | Inca | |||
| GPS042 (3) | Inca | Ariballoid | 3.92–9.80 | — | 4 | Inca | De La Fuente et al., 2015 | |
| SaCat02 (4) | Inca | Ariballoid | 16.21 | — | 1 | |||
| SaCat13 (5) | Inca | Bowl | 3.92–16.21 | — | 8 | |||
| Batungasta (6) | Abaucán | Urn | 2.54–5.87 | Medium–coarse | 3 | Late Period | De La Fuente, 2007, 2011 | |
| Batungasta (6) | Sangasta/Belén | Urn | 1.3–5.67 | Medium–coarse | 21 | De La Fuente, 2007, 2011 | ||
| Batungasta (6) | Belén/Sanagasta | Urn | 15–29 | Medium–very coarse | 1 | Late Period | Feely, 2010 | |
| Quintar 1 (7) | Belén/Sanagasta | Urn | 16–29 | Medium–very coarse | 1 | |||
| Chaschuil Valley (Catamarca) | San Francisco (8) | Inca | Ariballoid | 1.3–21 | — | 14 | Inca | De La Fuente, 2004 |
| Shincal (9) | Inca Pacaje | 0.09 | — | 1 | Inca | Larcher & Cremonte, 2018 | ||
| Hualfín Valley (Catamarca) | El Montículo (10) | Belén | Bowl | Presencia baja | — | 1 | Late Period | Iucci, 2013; Zagorodny et al., 2010 |
| Cerro Colorado (11) | Belén | Urn | Presencia baja | — | 1 | Late Period | ||
| Santa María Bicolor | Urn | 0.45 | Very fine | 1 | ||||
| Ordinaria | Olla | 45–70 | Very fine–very coarse | |||||
| Cerro Colorado (cima) (12) | Belén | Urn | Presencia baja | — | 1 | |||
| Loma de la Escuela (13) | Belén | Urn | Presencia baja | — | 1 | |||
| Santa María Bicolor | Urn | 20–37 | Very fine–fine | 5 | ||||
| Ordinaria | Olla | 48–75 | Very fine–coarse | 3 | ||||
| Urn | ||||||||
| El Molino (14) | Santa María bicolor | Bowl | 19–31 | Very fine–coarse | 8 | |||
| Urn | ||||||||
| Belén | Urn | 16–52 | Very fine | 6 | ||||
| Bowl | ||||||||
| Ordinaria | Olla | 10–19 | Very fine–coarse | 35 | ||||
| Urn | ||||||||
| Bowl | ||||||||
| Undetermined | ||||||||
| Pueblo Viejo del Eje (15) | Ordinaria | Olla | 10–80 | Very fine–coarse | 4 | |||
| Undetermined | ||||||||
| Loma de Los Antiguos (16) | Ordinaria | Olla | 17–89 | Very fine–very coarse | 8 | |||
| Bolsón Valley (Catamarca) | La Angostura (17 | Ordinaria | — | 11–51 | Fine | 52 | Late Period | Puente, 2010 |
| Belén | — | 21–30 | Very fine–fine | 3 | ||||
| Santa María Bicolor | — | 11–36 | Very fine–fine | 7 | ||||
| El Durazno (18) | Ordinaria | — | 0.36–30.63 | Very fine–coarse | 32 | Puente, 2010 | ||
| Belén | — | 11 | ||||||
| Santa María | — | 7 | ||||||
| Los Viscos (19) | Indeterminado | Olla | 6.08 | Fine–very coarse | 1 | Puente, 2017 | ||
| Andalgalá Valley (Catamarca) | Potrero Chaquiago (20) | Santa María Bicolor | Bowl | 0.5–9 | — | 4 | Cremonte, 1994 | |
| Averías | Bowl | — | ||||||
| Yocavil Valley (Catamarca) | Fuerte Quemado (21) | Inca | Ariballoid | 5–60 | Medium–coarse | 4 | Inca | Orgaz & De La Fuente, 2013 |
| Santa María Bicolor | Bowl | 5–10 | medium–coarse | 2 | Late Period | |||
| Valle Ariba | Bowl | 6–10 | Coarse–very coarse | 1 | ||||
| Indeterminado | Olla | 10–20 | Medium–very coarse | 2 | ||||
| Lorohuasi | Urn | 0.003 | Very fine | 1 | Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2022 | |||
| Siquimil tricolor | Urn | 0.3 | Very fine | 1 | ||||
| Loma Alta (22) | Peñas azules | Urn | 70 | Very fine | 1 | Late Period | Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2022 | |
| San José | Urn | 30 | Very fine | 1 | ||||
| San Expedito (23) | Fuerte Quemado f./mod | Urn | 10.7 | Very fine | 1 | |||
| Rincón Chico (24) | Loma Rica Bicolor | Urn | Escasa | Fine | Late Period | Piñeiro, 1996; Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2011 | ||
| Santa María Bicolor | Urn | Escasa | Fine–very coarse | |||||
| Santa María Tricolor | Urn | Escasa | Fine–medium | |||||
| Tosco | Urn | Media an abundant | Fine–coarse | |||||
| Lorohuasi | Urn | 0.3 | Very fine | 1 | Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2022 | |||
| Tolombón (25) | Inca Pacaje | 0.77 | — | 1 | Inca | Larcher & Cremonte, 2018 | ||
| Famabalasto Negro Grabado | Bowl | 0.1 | Medium | 2 | Late/Inca Period | Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2011 | ||
| Los Cardones (26) | Famabalasto Negro Grabado | Bowl | 5.33–30 | — | 4 | |||
| Las Mojarras (27) | Famabalasto Negro Grabado | Bowl | 0.33 | Very fine–fine | 2 | |||
| Lorohuasi (28) | Famabalasto Negro Grabado | Bowl | 0.09 | Very fine–medium | 1 | |||
| Calchaquí Valley (Catamarca) | Angastaco (29) | Inca Negro/Rojo | 0.36–4.2 | — | Inca | Cremonte, 2014b | ||
| Inca Pacaje | 0.39 | — | 1 | Larcher & Cremonte, 2018 | ||||
| Tafí Valley (Catamarca) | S.Tuc.Tav.15 (30) | Santa María Bicolor | Urn/bowl | 5–10 | Fine–medium | 5 | Late Period | Páez, 2013 |
| Santa María Tricolor | Urn/bowl | 6 | ||||||
| Tosco | Urn/bowl | 6 | ||||||
| LCZVIID3 (31) | Santa María Bicolor | Urn/bowl | 8 | |||||
| Santa María Tricolor | Urn/bowl | 1 | ||||||
| LC(1) (32) | Santa María Bicolor | Urn/bowl | 6 | |||||
| Santa María Tricolor | Urn/bowl | 3 | ||||||
| Santa María Negro/Rojo | Urn/bowl | 1 | ||||||
| Inca | Urn/bowl | 1 | Inca | |||||
| Belén | Urn/bowl | 4 | Late Period | |||||
| LCZVIIIS1 (33) | Inca | Urn/bowl | 11 | Inca | ||||
| Tosco | Urn/bowl | 1 | Late Period | |||||
| Belén | Urn/bowl | 1 | ||||||
| Indeterminado | Urn/bowl | 2 | ||||||
| El Mollar (34) | Famabalasto Negro Grabado | Bowl | 1–5 | 5 | Late Period | Palamarczuk & Palamarczuk, 2011 | ||
| Las Pitas Brook (Catamarca) | Peñas Coloradas (35) | Ordinaria | — | Fine–very coarse | 2 | Late Period?? | Puente, 2015 | |
| Punta de la Peña 9 (36) | — | — | 0.1–15 | — | 3 | López Campeny, 2009 | ||
| Piedra Honrada 2 (37) | — | — | 0.1–15 | — | 3 | López Campeny, 2009 | ||
| Miriguaca Brook (Catamarca) | Corral Alto (38) | — | Olla | 1.66–3.36 | Very fine–coarse | 3 | Late Period?? | Gasparotti, 2017, 2018 |
| — | Undetermined | 1.48–11.93 | Medium–coarse | 4 | ||||
| — | Bowl | 0.0575 | Medium | 1 | ||||
| Las Escondidas (39) | — | Olla | 0.21–7.09 | Medium–very coarse | 9 | |||
| — | Undetermined | 0.2–1.96 | Fine–very coarse | 4 | ||||
| — | Bowl | 0.1284 | Medium | 1 | ||||
| — | Bowl | 0.68–0.85 | Medium | 2 | ||||
| — | Bowl | 0.59–1.17 | Medium | 3 | ||||
| — | Bottle | 0.0085 | Medium | 1 | ||||
| Punilla Valley (Catamarca) | Casa Chávez Montículo (40) | 0.0021 | Medium | 1 | Gasparotti, 2018 | |||
| La Alumbrera (41) | Indeterminado | Olla | 13–27 | Medium | 4 | Late Period | Pérez, 2013; Pérez & Tchilinguirian, 2016 | |
| Belén | Bowl | 0.14 | Medium | 1 | ||||
| Santa María | Bowl | 0.03 | Fine–medium | 1 | ||||
| Bajo del Coypar II (42) | Indeterminado | Olla | 3–24 | Medium–coarse | 4 | Pérez, 2013 | ||
| Belén | Bowl | 1–3 | Medium–coarse | 2 | ||||
| Inca | Undetermined | 21–23 | Fine–medium | 2 | Inca | |||
| Negro Pulido | Undetermined | 0.01 | Very coarse | 1 | Late Period | |||
| Santa María | Urn | 0.02 | Very coarse | 1 | ||||
| Antofalla (Catamarca) | Tebenquiche Chico (43) | Vaquería | — | 0.05 | Medium–coarse | 2 | Early Period | Schuster, 2005 |
| Ciénaga | — | 1 | ||||||
| San Pedro Rojo Pulido | — | 1 | ||||||
| Indeterminado | — | 3 | ||||||
| Northern Puna (Jujuy) | Doncellas (44) | Inca | Bowl | 1–6 | — | 2 | Inca | Pérez, 2013 |
| Ariballoid | 0.08 | — | 1 | |||||
| Indeterminado | Bowl | 0.02 | — | 1 | Late Period | |||
| Negro/Rojo | Undetermined | 0.01 | — | 1 |
Site numbers are referenced in Figure 1.
Infant funerary urns from Abaucán Valley. (a) Abaucán-Sanagasta funerary urn, (b) Abaucán funerary urn, (c) Sanagasta bowl, (d) Belén funerary urn, (e) Sanagasta funerary urn, and (f) Abaucán-Sanagasta funerary urn.
5 The Way of Doing Pots at Southwestern Catamarca: The Pot as the World
Technological studies carried out by extensive ceramic petrography on a sample of sherds coming from different archaeological sites geographically located in Abaucán Valley show a trend in the use of grog for making ceramic pastes during the last stages of the Late Period and the Inca times (De La Fuente, 2004, 2007, 2011; De La Fuente et al., 2015; Vera, 2016; Vera et al., 2019; Vera & De La Fuente, 2018) (Figures 3 and 4). Grog and argillaceous inclusions were unequivocally identified using the criteria for plane and cross-polarized light proposed by Cuomo Di Caprio and Vaughan (1993), Middleton, Freestone, and Leese (1985), and Whitbread (1986). Minerals and rock fragments were identified qualitatively following the criteria established in De La Fuente (2011). To afford the meaning of this material practice, this technological choice of adding grog to new vessels we must see it as a cultural choice embedded in wider material practices. This, in turn, needs us to re-think the relationship between technology, technical acts, and the total social facts (sensu Mauss, 1943), and for the southern Andean region, the proposal of Arnold is particularly interesting to explain such a non-functional practice (Arnold, 2000, 2017). If we assume that the act of making a textile (weave) in southern Andes is converting it into a person (jaki in Aymara), thus, the textile has life, we are conceiving that the whole technological process and their technical gestures involved introduce life (the vital force or the animo) into the objects and that the knowledge learned by the artisan is playing a role in the Andean life and death cycle (Allen, 2015b; Arnold, 2017, pp. 18–20; Cereceda, 2010; also cf. Alberti, 2012). The same reasoning applies to pots and their different chaîne opératoires: pots do have life and they transform in persons (Allen, 2015b). Usually, potters develop different technical gestures during the several stages involved in the chaîne opératoire for making a vessel. Potter’s technical knowledge to make a pot basically involves a close relationship with the four vital elements in life: earth (mine the clay), water (transform the clay in a soft material), air (drying of unfired pots), and fire (firing the vessels). This technological dominion acquires meaning through culture and cultural practices, which in turn are expressed as material practices. In the Andean world, ritual practices are based on the concept that things that have had a prior relationship, or evoke similarities, with other places, things, or people may continue to have an effective relationship with their origin or referent (Allen, 2015b; Sillar, 2009). We argue here that tempering vessels with grog during the process of making a ceramic vessel involves a ritual practice by which the potters materialize this relationship with other past and present spheres of life. The evocation of this practice must be related both to the dead, as much of this technical act is performed – and later recorded by us as archaeologists – in much of Late Period funerary urns ceramic forms, and with the reinforcement of this vital life and death cycle in Andean communities. As Sillar (2009) has pointed out, in the Andean world, one of the most observed ritual practices through ethnography is the necessity of feeding the world, usually with solid food and with liquids (like chicha), but also with material things as well (also see Allen, 1982; Gose, 1994). In Andes, the identity of people and things are co-constructed in a social landscape in which most of the things are alive and also people live with death in the same plane (Allen, 2015b; see also Platt, 2001). In our specific context, we can consider the act of incorporating grog into a ceramic paste to create a new pottery vessel, and by an extension the whole chaine operatoire process, as a social and symbolic representation of “nourishing” the death. It serves as an offering meant to establish a balance between the realms of life and death. This material practice was part of a pottery-making tradition developed by the end of the Late Period, and it was acquired by the Incas since grog has been registered in certain standardized Inca ceramic vessels (aryballous, shallow plates) (Figure 3a and b) (Carosio, 2017, 2018; De La Fuente, 2004, 2011; Iucci & Alperin, 2019; Orgaz & De La Fuente, 2013; Páez, 2013; Paéz & Sardi, 2014; Palamarczuk & Palamarczuck, 2011, 2022; Puente, 2012). In relation to this idea of pottery as a person, it would be very helpful to incorporate the idea of dead pottery (Sillar, 1997). Sillar argues that the sherds can be perceived as analogous to the bones of dead humans. That is, if the ceramic is a person, it dies when it breaks and the pottery is like its bones. However, as with humans, death does not mean the end but the permanence in a different state; just as human remains have agency, sherds do. Sillar supports this by referring to some rituals that use potsherds in ceremonial transactions and other practices that denote their power (Sillar, 1997; also see Platt, 2001).
Grog in thin-section. (a and b) Inca grog tempered, Abaucán Valley (XPL), (c and d) grog temper in Sanagasta funerary urn, Abaucán Valley (d in PPL), (e) grog in Abaucán funerary urn (XPL), (f) grog in Sanagasta bowl (PPL), (g–j) Sanagasta funerary urns tempered with grog, southern sector of Abaucán Valley (g–i in XPL; j in PPL). 40×. White arrows show grog temper in figures.
Examples of the main features of grog in thin-section, Sanagasta funerary urn, Abaucán Valley. (a) XPL and (b) PPL. 100×. White arrows show grog temper.
The idea of the pot as something dead is linked by Sillar with the idea of something “dry,” like corn that has been left to dry or the dead after the soft tissue has dried out. In the case of ceramics, it is necessary to make a little more effort to understand, naturally, this idea of “what is dry,” but if we consider that a ceramic is in use, especially if it handles liquids in storage, firing, serving, etc., it tends to be “wet” or alive, and it will cease to be so after breaking and will “dry” in some way. In any case, the idea of adding pottery – that is, “dead grounded ceramic bone,” to the very material of a new vessel under construction, a material thought to be “wet” – the paste – is extremely evocative. In this way, a particular type of ceramic is constructed, in our opinion a “dead ceramic” or a “ceramic of the dead” (Juan Villanueva Criales, personal communication). Parallels with this practice appear in many areas of Andean materiality; for example, in textiles, where the warp threads are understood as the hair of the dead (Arnold, 2007); or in the construction of houses, where the stones and mud of the walls are understood as continuations of the earth and the mountains (Arnold, 1992).
In particular, as people learn how to do and create things they learn to use their bodies in routinized, habitual ways. When social conditions change and new subjectivities and practices are encountered, various steps in production sequences change at different rates. Those related to bodily dispositions can be the most difficult to change as they are tied to the physicality of learning. Like the historically contingent tempering practices noted by Dietler and Herbich (1998), conservatism in the shaping process is due to the fact that these are the embodied actions that people learn when they are first being trained and the physicality of those processes are largely unconscious and difficult to unlearn. Furthermore, the adoption and persistence of this practice during Inca times may have been a response aimed at mitigating cultural tensions between the two societies under Inca rule. It sought to promote harmony in the production of vessels by local potters appointed by the Inca state.
6 Making Pots for the Dead: An Unfinished Comment
Interestingly, the appearance of the practice of crushing sherds and adding them as temper has been recorded only in several cultures at NWA (Sanagasta, Belén, Santa María, and San José) in a specific ceramic vessel: infant funerary urns. This called our attention to certain ritual practices observed in Andean ethnography (Sillar & Ramón, 2016). Arnold talks about another interesting Aymara concept usually used for certain rituals: that of k´iruña, which means “wrapping” (Arnold, 2017). K´iruña is associated mainly with women in terms of household and life reproduction: women wrap persons in textiles for taking care of them, wrap born animals to convert them into persons, and also wrap illas in textiles to protect the family and assure the prosperity of the flocks (Arnold, 2017, pp. 23–24). The presence of a dead infant wrapped with textiles and buried in a pot (funerary urn) implies that the urn is a wider container of the dead body, like the household. Adding grog to these ceramic urns transforms them from just material elements into “persons,” and later they receive and take care of the dead infants, balancing the natural forces in the Andean life and death cycle.
Acknowledgments
Several people contributed through many years to developing the ideas presented in this article: M. C. Páez, M. Orgaz, and especially Juan Villanueva who gave us an interesting feedback to understand in a comprehensive way how things work in the Andean world. A special thanks to Escuela de Arqueología, Universidad Nacional de Catamarca, for partial funding this research through different research projects. CONICET has provided funds through PIP 2011-2013.
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Funding information: Partial funding to develop this research has been provided through the years by SECyT-UNCa and CONICET.
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Author contributions: G.A. De La Fuente conceived the main idea of the paper, wrote and edited most of the sections. S. D. Vera contributed with the petrographic analyses, elaborated the Table 1, and edited the manuscript.
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Conflict of interest: Authors declare that there is no conflict of interest.
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