Abstract
The study of marble trade in antiquity has received a lot of scholarly attention in the last few decades; however, numerous deposits of high-quality white marble in the Thracian interior have only recently become pivotal in Bulgaria. Following the establishment of Thrace as a Roman province, investments into transport infrastructure, urban and rural construction works and monumentalizing architecture in marble have led to an increased demand for stone. Local marble quarries close to urban centres and larger imperial quarries were used for civic buildings, villas and sanctuaries. Provenance analysis of marble quarries and artefacts has established a close link between the place of origin and subsequent place of use. This multi-disciplinary study explores marble sources in the Thracian interior via various approaches such as epigraphy, archaeology, and archaeometry regarding urbanization, trade, and transportation. In this paper, we consider and investigate the Berkovitsa marble, a quarry close to Montana in northwestern Bulgaria, and present a broader framework for the marble trade of the region.
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Introduction
The significance of coloured marble as a prestigious material and commodity is unquestioned in the field of ancient cultural history, with numerous studies devoted to the subject, with comparable treatments of white (grey) marble as a secondary consideration. There are two reasons for this glaring inequality in the state of research. First, the prevalent opinion in archaeological research assumes that primarily local white marbles were used for buildings and other objects, and in cases of low supply, recourse was made to other raw materials (other types of stones, clay, etc.). Second, the indisputable identification of the place of origin for white marble—in contrast to coloured marble—has been a development made possible by macroscopic, petrographic and chemical analyses. The large number of analyses in this field over the last few years have been central for revealing multiple marble quarrying locations in antiquity. In recent years, significant progress has also been made in techniques of marble provenance analysis. The initial results of this procedure are promising, and should the combined analyses prove successful, will undoubtedly revise the current commercial–historical, archaeological models regarding trade and the exploitation of white marble sources in antiquity, specifically for the Roman Imperial period.
Thrace remains a terra incognita with regard to the quarrying, processing, and use of white marble sources. Inland Thrace was rich in marble resources, especially in the south-west and eastern Rhodopes (Fig. 1) (Petrova and Ivanov 2008; Kovachev 2010; Dimitrov and Stanev 2013; Machev and von Quadt 2016; Petrova 2017; Prochaska and Živić 2018; Anevlavi et al. 2022; 2023), with marble formations in southwest Bulgaria reaching as far as Thessaly and Macedonia (Melfos 2015; Vakoulis et al. 2002). In contrast to other marble sources such as those found on the islands of Prokonnesos (Asgari 1978; 1990; 1992) and Thasos (Koželj 1987; 1988; Koželj and Wurch-Koželj 2002), the stone quarries in Bulgaria have not been systematically investigated, nor has a material-specific analysis of objects taken place. The operation and the large-scale exploitation of some of these stone quarries should be understood in direct connection with the foundation, the monumental development of cities, and the construction of villas, as part of the urbanization and monumentalization process in the province of Thrace.
The province of Thrace and its borders in the middle of the second century AD. The neighbouring province to the northwest is Moesia Superior, and downstream and to the south of the Danube lies Moesia Inferior. The coordinates are included in the Supplementary file (© Frerix, B., ÖAI/ÖAW)
This highly interdisciplinary and innovative research connects the antiquity‐directed disciplines of archaeology and Roman economic history with geology and archaeometry. This paper aims to establish the historical context of the province of Thrace through the processes of urbanization, overviewing the written sources, understanding the geological units and applying archaeometry by sampling marble quarries and archaeological artefacts from various sites and museums to establish provenance. The goal of this sampling strategy is to pursue the question of marble trade and the cultural and technological transfer between the provinces, in combination with an investigation of the extensively used marble sources from inland Thrace. The present Berkovitsa marble example provides preliminary data on this approach, expanding knowledge on local, regional and long-distance trade. Our approach is focused on the systematic exploration of marble in everyday life and localised patterns of used stones. Economic models of a regional market reacting to demand or requirements, and a socially embedded commercial operation are taken into consideration. The present study is undertaken as part of the “Fingerprinting White Marbles—Quarries and Cities of Roman Thrace, first to the third century AD” (Austrian Science Fund) project.
The urbanization in the Roman province of Thrace
The Roman Empire is commonly regarded as a model of urbanism leading to the definition “empire of cities” (Capogrossi Colognesi 2014). The Roman policy of urbanization was advanced in the provinces through cities which guaranteed the conditions under which urbanization could progress. Multiplication of urban centres posed a reality in which the performance of the model might be evaluated. This even led to the observation that the number and size of cities grew faster than the overall population across the empire (Erdkamp 2012, pp. 243–245). Following the Roman occupation of Thrace, the Thracian interior underwent a profound process of provincialization.
Thrace experienced the Roman influence long before it became a Roman province. Rome’s position in the eastern Mediterranean was first enhanced by the establishment of the province of Macedonia (148–146 BC). The Thracian client kingdom, divided into strategiae administratively organised by strategoi, became the main political instrument of the Roman policy in the Balkans. The administrative transformation of Thrace into a Roman province occurred during the reign of the Emperor Claudius (41–54). Many scholars assign the foundation of the province of Thrace to AD 46. A recent study presents arguments in favour of a reconsideration of the foundation taking place in AD 47 (Boteva-Boyanova 2021). Its borders were fixed encompassing the territory between the Haemus Mountains, the Propontis, the Aegean Sea coast, the Black Sea coast and the Thracian-Macedonian border (Gerov 1979). Although the northern provincial border underwent changes (Tacheva 2000, pp. 58–78), by the end of the second century AD, the Haemus Mountains remained a border between the provinces of Thracia and Moesia Inferior. One of the border shifts is thought to have occurred in the region of Montana (nowadays in northwestern Bulgaria), which belonged to the province of Thrace for a short period of time before becoming part of Lower Moesia in the 120 s AD (Velkov 1971, p. 106) or at the latest between AD 134 and AD 136 (Tacheva 2000, p. 60). The motives behind the border change are typically explained as military or strategic, especially important for guarding the Petrohan Pass (Tacheva 2000, p. 66).
The strategiae system was not abandoned immediately after the establishment of the province and two periods of development can be distinguished before its final abolition—up to the Flavian period, and then up to the administrative reforms of the Emperor Trajan when it was replaced by the newly founded cities and their territories (Parissaki 2009). It is commonly accepted that the process of urbanization in the provinces was an important element in supporting their security and institutional stability. Despite the low level of urbanization in the first century AD, Thrace had the strategiae which was proved a convenient and successful way to consolidate the Roman power in the Thracian lands (Matei-Popescu 2018). Strategiae are considered not only administrative and financial units but also recruiting districts. It is argued that Thracian auxiliary units were the most numerous auxilia in the Roman army of the first century AD after the Gaulish and Spanish vexillationes (Matei-Popescu 2018, p. 108). The studies so far revealed the existence of a close connection between the strategiae and the Thracian aristocracy giving a clear indication that the Roman authorities relied largely on the loyalty of the Thracian nobles for the effective control of their new province. For example, the villa rustica and the necropolis at the site of Chatalka (Nikolov 1976; Buyukliev 1980) are plausibly associated with a wealthy Thracian noble family that was Romanized under the Flavians (Tacheva 2007, 42–43). According to a recent analysis, many members of the Thracian nobility became Flavii (Ruscu 2016, p. 88). Epigraphic references from the nearby city of Augusta Traiana identify some strategoi as family members (Sharankov 2015, pp. 68–69). It is also noteworthy that dedicants designating themselves as strategoi are evidenced in the epigraphic record to earlier dates in sanctuaries of the Roman period, which might indicate their direct contribution to the foundation of those sanctuaries. This may also be inferred from their increasing popularity among locals, as evident from the sanctuary at the village of Batkun case study, located in the territory of Philippopolis, makes clear (Sharankov 2015, pp. 71–72).
Roman authorities relied heavily on the settlement of veterans and civilian Roman citizens to achieve economic, social, and cultural prosperity and stability in the province, although no permanent military camps were attested in Thrace until AD 135. The earliest epigraphic evidence for the settlement of Roman veterans in Thrace goes back to the years immediately following the foundation of the province. Under the Flavians, the settlement of veterans is mostly evident in the territories of Philippopolis and Serdica, due to increasingly large proportions of recruits provided by both regions for the Roman army before and after the foundation of the province (Boyanov 2008, p. 294). The colony of Apri was founded in the province under Claudius or Nero, and in AD 70 (Draganov 2006, p. 27), between 300 and 400 veterans (Boyanov 2008, pp. 294–295) became the first colonists at Deultum. The development of trade networks greatly benefitted from the improved infrastructure in the province particularly the construction of new roads. Inscriptions recording the construction of military roads (Madzharov 2009, pp. 44–48) suggest the settlement of veterans in Philippopolis during Nero’s reign (54–68) in an effort by the Roman authorities to reinforce the province. It has been observed that Philippopolis owed its prosperity largely to its location on well-travelled provincial roads. The urban planning was roughly completed by the Flavians: the street network was outlined and some insulae were relatively densely built-up. The agora stood out as a separate architectural complex. The stratigraphic sequence of the construction periods of the city centre and the further expansion of the street network most probably indicate population growth and rapid urban expansion (Lozanov 2002, p. 238).
Due to the central location in the province, the urban development of Philippopolis must have influenced the entire urbanization process in Thrace. It became an assembly point for the troops of Rhoemetalces I, an ally of the Romans during several military campaigns. The city presumably provided the most convenient venue for supplying the troops, which in turn encouraged the development of the local market. It could be safely assumed that considering the increasing local production and flow of imported goods, Philippopolis played a pivotal role in the economic network of the province starting in the second half of the first century AD. The economic process was justified by allocating territory to the city in accordance with the administrative reforms of the Emperors Trajan and Hadrian. The earliest coins from Philippopolis were struck under Domitian (81–96). These coins have bilingual inscriptions (Latin inscription on the obverse and Greek inscription on the reverse) giving ground to the assumption that by the reign of Hadrian when the coins were inscribed only in Greek, the mint of Philippopolis was under the control of the provincial governor (Lozanov 2002, pp. 234–235). Against this background, Philippopolis stands out for being the most suitable candidate for a metropolis of the province and the seat of the Thracian koinon (Sharankov 2007; Peter 2013). It has been recently assumed that Perinthos may have been the second venue for holding the regular meetings of the Thracian koinon (Haensch 2021, p. 19).
The provincial re-organisation under Trajan resulted in newly founded cities organised as Greek poleis. Presumably, the imperial gentilicium Ulpia added to the name of the city was indicative in this respect. Other cities like Traianopolis, Plotinopolis, Augusta Traiana, and Marcianopolis were named after the emperor and his family. Redefining the provincial division between the former strategiae resulted in territories attributed to the cities. The new “urban formula” might have been a challenge to local communities that needed to quickly adapt to the shifts and rules of the new civic model. Phylai is epigraphically attested from the early second century AD onwards not only in the Greek poleis of Anchialos and Perinthos, but also in the cities of Pautalia, Serdica, Philippopolis, Augusta Traiana, Marcianopolis, Nicopolis ad Istrum and Hadrianopolis. References to phylai in Philippopolis and Pautalia bearing the same name open the discussion regarding the simultaneous province-wide administrative organisation (Tacheva 2000, pp. 105–114; Andreeva 2021, pp. 9–12).
The provincial status of Thrace was also changed resulting in a different status of the provincial governor from equestrian procurator Augusti to legatus Augusti pro praetore. It is quite significant that the first legatus Augusti pro praetore of the province of Thrace was Publius Iuventius Celsus, a prominent jurist holding a distinguished place in classical Roman jurisprudence (PIR2 I 882). He was probably assigned the task of handling a broad range of aspects after the administrative reforms in the province.
The foundation of Nicopolis ad Istrum, to the north of the Balkan Mountains, and its inclusion within the boundaries of the province of Thrace bring up the rather relevant question of the size of its territory, whose boundaries were also the dividing line between Lower Moesia and Thrace. Arguments have been put forward in favour of the hypothesis that this newly founded city was given a rather large territory, which extended as far as the Danube (Fink 1958; Ruscu 2007b). After the end of Trajan’s Dacian Wars, however, changes occurred in the defensive structure along the river. This was prompted by the new lands north of the Danube—the Wallachian plain, the southern part of Moldavia, the eastern part of Oltenia and the south-eastern corner of Transylvania—which were incorporated into Lower Moesia (Ruscu 2007b; Ţentea 2016). It is under this new regional division that the foundation and development of Nicopolis ad Istrum should be understood and assessed. The large territory of the city is further explained by the need for taking over the urbanization process in the great plain south of the Danube, where the Roman policy of resettling large waves of the population was carried out (Ruscu 2007b, p. 227; Ţentea 2016, p. 86). The programme of enforcing a sustainable Roman urban model should explain the rather unique picture of the elites in Nicopolis revealing that about 70% of the elite were Roman citizens in the second century (Ruscu 2007a). It is likely that the territory of the city still extended to the Danube during the reign of Hadrian, who decided that Dacia Inferior should include the territories of Lower Moesia, north of the river. It is worth noting that under these historical and territorial shifts, the minting of the city only started under Antoninus Pius (138–161) (Ivanov and von Bülow 2008, p. 21).
The new urbanistic development of Thrace not only impacted the political organisation of the cities but also promoted programmes of monumentalization since urban life was not possible without its main symbols—the public buildings. Archaeological excavations conducted in many cities in Thrace have shown a significant increase in monumentalization projects in the second century AD (Ivanov 2012b; Minchev 2021, pp. 256–261, 266–271, 276–282). The architectural environment of the cities greatly benefitted from the adoption and recreation of architectural decorative models that enjoyed empire-wide popularity. The arch dedicated to Hadrian in Philippopolis might be taken as an indicative case study. It was not only a symbol of loyalty to the Roman emperor and the Roman state, but also a significant architectural structure connecting the city to the territory, thus an integral part of the urban environment. Under Marcus Aurelius, the arch was embedded in the city fortification forming the so-called Eastern Gate (Kesyakova 1999, pp. 93–98; Martinova-Kyutova and Pirovska 2011). The similarity between the arch in Philippopolis and the arch in Gerasa (today in northern Jordan) in measurements, decorative scheme, dating and location in the urban area strongly suggest that they were included in similar construction projects and used in defining the urban framework (Dimitrov 2013).
The overview of urban planning in Roman Thrace studied through the prism of the monumentalized urban area reveals related tradition and continuity on the one hand and foreign influences and transition to new architectural models on the other. Entertainment buildings such as theatres and amphitheatres that housed different performances typically take up the bulk of focus when it comes to prominent examples of Roman influence over the provincial culture all over the Empire. These are huge, costly and time-consuming construction projects. The archaeological evidence for the existence of such imposing public buildings in some of the provincial cities of Thrace is supplemented by iconographic and epigraphic material providing valuable information about the participants and organisers of gladiatorial games and hunting spectacles. If the theatres in Philippopolis (Martinova-Kyutova and Sharankov 2018) (Fig. 2), Maroneia (Karadima et al. 2015), and Bizye were adapted to hold bloody spectacles following the architectural changes in many provincial theatres across the Empire resulting in structures converted into arenas (Welch 1998), the amphitheatre in Marcianopolis was an integral part of general city planning (Vagalinski 2002, pp. 279–280; Vagalinski 2009, pp. 72–73). Despite the lack of archaeological data on suitable arenas, the epigraphic archives of Augusta Traiana and Nicopolis ad Istrum seem to prove an increase in the popularity of munera gladiatoria et venationes (Vagalinski 2002, pp. 283–284; Vagalinski 2009, pp. 79–80; Tsarov 2021). The assumption that the site of the amphitheatre of Deultum is visible in the aerial photograph (Vagalinski 2002, p. 284; Vagalinski 2009, p. 80) requires further geophysical survey and archaeological investigation. There is so far no archaeological evidence to indicate the precise location of the theatre or amphitheatre in Apri, the other colonia in the province of Thrace. However, given the discovery of one of the most impressive relief plates in Thrace representing gladiatorial and hunting games (Robert 1940, p. 90, № 27), the existence of entertainment buildings should be expected in urban planning. The theatre of Hadrianopolis is documented in written sources (Atanasov 2011, pp. 22–23). However, an attempt to identify it as a coin image has been unsuccessful (Lusnia 2004, p. 532).
The Theatre of Philippopolis (© Andreeva, P., ÖAI/ÖAW)
Another public building to be undoubtedly assigned to the main features of the urban fabrics and the most important symbol of the monumentalization was the stadium. So far, there is a single example, the stadium of Philippopolis (Tsontchev 1947; Kesyakova 1999, pp. 44–49; Topalilov 2012, pp. 120–125). Based on archaeological and epigraphic data, the building is dated to the late years of the reign of the Emperor Trajan or the early years of the Emperor Hadrian’s reign (Vagalinski 2009, pp. 205–206; Topalilov 2012, p. 124).
The architectural development of the city centre (the agora) through the construction of the odeion also indicates the adoption of new architectural programmes in the Roman period. In the northeastern corner of the Philippopolis agora complex, the remains of a building interpreted as bouleuterion (city council) were unearthed. This building was classified as an odeion on the basis of its architectural typology. Another odeion was unearthed in the southeastern part of the Nicopolis ad Istrum agora. The building remains to display an architectural plan that follows other constructions of theatrical buildings, conceived according to Roman architectural canons. According to a recent study, the small, covered theatre from Nicopolis ad lstrum does not belong to the group of odeia, but rather falls into the far more common bouleteria group of architectural types in the Roman period, with an audience capacity from 500 to 1400 people. The bouleuteria of Philippopolis and Serdica might belong to this same group (Dinchev 2009, pp. 73–74).
The spectrum of building activities in Roman Thrace is commonly complemented by the cities’ coinage that includes various religious, cultural, agonistic, mythological and symbolic depictions but also visual references to architectural structures and even topographic features (Dotkova 2011). The most indicative in this respect are the coinages of Marcianopolis (Minchev 2021, p. 259), Pautalia (Ivanov 1920; Bozhkova 2006), Philippopolis (Mushmov 1924; Kolev 1998; Peter 2018), Hadrianopolis (Yurukova 1987) and Topiros (Dotkova 2009). However, such coin images are no longer considered reliable and plausible sources for the reconstruction of three-dimensional architectural prototypes and are even seen as mere interpretations (Burnett 1999). It has been recently argued that it is not pertinent to consider architectural coin types, but rather examine coins depicting architectural motifs, which often do not occupy the centre of the coin images (Ritter 2017). It should be noted that the representation of scenes that imply an urban context gives them a certain, even symbolic, importance in manifesting and distinguishing the urban environment. In other words, they cannot be neglected when it comes to characterising urban identity.
Monumentalization of cities leads to a further question of finances used in the implementation of such building projects. The risk that urban budgets will be difficult to balance after the allocation of funds for the construction of urban fabrics opens up the spectrum of the so-called building munificence that could have been (and was expected to be) carried out by the urban elite.
Honorary inscriptions set up for benefactors in the province of Thrace indicate the significant role assigned to well-to-do members of the city communities in the process of monumentalization. Although the extent of the importance of civic euergetism is disputed in the context of the munificence policy of provincial cities (Kokkina 2012, p. 97), these epigraphic references remain primary sources for the social, financial and even cultural relationships in this urban context.
The name of Gnaeus Munatius, a member of the famous Roman plebeian family (Sharankov 2006), is carved on the column bases arranged along the northern colonnade of the agora of Philippopolis to commemorate his contribution to the construction and development of the city’s centre (Fig. 3a and b). The inscriptions refer to the second half of the second century AD, thus corresponding to the archaeological data about the distinct construction period of the agora by the late second century AD (Martinova 2004, p. 293).
a Column base with incised name ΓΝΑΙΟΥ from the agora of Philippopolis (© Andreeva, P., ÖAI/ÖAW); b column base with incised name ΜΟΥΝΑΤ from the agora of Philippopolis (© Andreeva, P., ÖAI/ÖAW); c inscription of a Cappadocian turner found in Philippopolis (© Andreeva, P., ÖAI/ÖAW); and d Bath building inscription incised on a marble plate (© Andreeva, P., ÖAI/ÖAW)
Many eastern settlers in Roman Thrace contributed to urban monumentalization by becoming generous contributors to major public building projects. For instance, four inscriptions complement each other to detect the entire cursus honorum of Marcus Aurelius Asiaticus, the most prominent benefactor of Augusta Traiana. He held the highest public and religious offices in the city: he was βουλευτής, ἱερεὺς Ῥώμης, ἀρχιερεύς, ἀρχιερεὺς δι’ ὅπλων, πρῶτον ἄρχων, and was also entitled πατὴρ πατρίδος of the city (Buyukliev and Sharankov 2002; 2007). Marcus Aurelius Asiaticus funded the construction of a two-storey stoa consisting of 66 columns and a two-column stoa with 35 columns built up at the Severian gymnasium of Augusta Traiana. The explicit indication that he was the only one to have contributed generously to the architectural decoration of the city fabric (καὶ μόνον ἔργοις κοσμήσαντα τὴν πατρίδα) is considered the main reason why Marcus Aurelius Asiaticus is the only known archiereus of Augusta Traiana honoured in such a spectacular way by the citizens.
One of the above-mentioned inscriptions was found in the emporion Discoduraterae testifying that the bouleutes Marcus Aurelius Asiaticus was responsible for the erection of the statue of the Emperor Severus Alexander. The epigraphic reference to a member of the city’s elite indicates the connections between the city and the emporion and strongly emphasises its significance for the economy of Augusta Traiana. As already known, emporia in the Roman period were venues for trade activities in the cities’ territories, organised by the officials of those cities (Boyanov 2014, p. 145). Their locations were often close to provincial borders, thus playing a significant role in the distribution of local and imported goods. Therefore, emporia could mark the contact zone between foreign merchants and the local population in the frame of interprovincial or interregional production networks. The names of five emporia are epigraphically attested in the province of Thrace: Cillae in the territory of Philippopolis; Pizos, Discoduraterae, and Thuida in the territory of Augusta Traina; and Piretensium in the territory of Nicopolis ad Istrum. Parembole, located 4 km southeast of the village of Belozen, Plovdiv region, is attested in both epigraphic and written sources as mutatio Paramvole (Itinerarium Burdigalense, AD 333–334) but also as ἐμπορεῖον (Passio Sancti Alexandri) (Boyanov 2014, pp. 138–139).
Citizens of eastern origin were integrated in the urban elite of Nicopolis ad Istrum from the city’s foundation onwards (Tačeva 1969), and tellingly, they are epigraphically recorded in the context of building munificence. An eastern settler named Jason, son of Apphus, born in the city of Prusias ad Hypium in Bithynia, was a generous benefactor who funded the construction of a temple dedicated to Theos Hypsistos at his own expense between AD 135 and AD mid-136 (τὸν ναὸν Θεοῦ Ὑψίστου ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων κατεσκεύασεν) (Sharankov 2014, pp. 31–32). The commemoration in a typically formulaic text refers not only to the Roman emperor, the imperial house, the Senate and the Roman people but also to the Council and People of Nicopolis ad Istrum, i.e., the contribution to the architectural urban environment is clearly attested.
The reconstruction of a temple dedicated to Dolichenus is evidenced by an inscription from Augusta Traiana (IGBulg. III,2 1590). It was undertaken by two councilors of Porolissum: Aurelius Sabinus Theiophilou Syrus denoting himself as ἱερεύς and ὑνέμπορος τῆς Δακίας, and Aurelius Primus Asteo qui et Iulius. It could be argued that the activities of merchants, in this case wine merchants, coming from the northern border of the Empire into the interior of Thrace, and who actively participated in the enrichment of the urban architectural environment, must have been greatly facilitated at the time when Nicopolis ad Istrum and its territory were included in the province of Thrace. This is even more so if one considers the thesis that the city territory extended as far as the Danube, i.e., in the immediate vicinity of the Dacian lands. That might also be the case when considering the date of the inscription and the time frame for the accomplished reconstruction. If the temple was renovated between AD 222 and AD 235, this could imply that the original temple was built under Septimius Severus (Tacheva-Hitova 1983, p. 233), i.e., approximately at the point in time when Nicopolis was incorporated into the province of Lower Moesia, following the frontier shift. The conjecture is justified if the discussion of the accuracy and reliability of the reconstruction of Roman inscriptions is left aside. In the absence of any archaeological information, the epigraphic evidence is often not sufficient to build a complete picture of the scope of work done. Therefore, it is quite challenging to argue for a complete renovation, minor pairs, or only symbolic restoration (Thomas and Witschel 1992; Fagan 1996, p. 82).
The epigraphic reliability is also undermined when the formulae a solo or a fundamentis occur in reference to building restoration. If these concerns are passed on to building inscriptions containing similar formulas, suggesting an exaggeration and even misleading claims, it is the social and economic setting that could reveal their informative value. It is reflected in two epigraphic references for buildings on a large scale in and near Augusta Traiana. In both cases, it is explicitly stated that the constructions were set up from the foundations.
Lettering presents evidence that a Nicomedean who was ἀρχιερεύς built up baths at his own expense (κατεσκεύασεν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων… ἐκ θεμελίων) (Fig. 3d). It is commonly assumed that contributions to the construction of one building were often made by more than one benefactor since subsequent additions and architectural decoration needed further work and funding (Kokkina 2012, pp. 100–101). However, the prominent Nicomedean benefactor made explicit mention of all the rooms of the baths built and decorated by him (σὺν παντὶ τῷ κόσμῳ αὐτῶν καὶ τοῖς ἀγάλμασιν). The building was dedicated to the Roman emperor, the imperial house, the Roman senate, and the Nymphs, but also to ἡ λαμπροτάτη Τραιανέων πόλις because it was given to the citizens of Augusta Traiana (Nikolov 1968, p. 46). Any reference to thermae and balnea was considered to imply an enhanced quality of life (Horster 2014, p. 518), which should make this donation even more valuable.
An eminent contribution to the urban buildings of Augusta Traiana must have been the Augustaeum, built a solo by veterans ex suis impendiis according to a Latin inscription (Dimitrov 1950, pp. 292–295). The temple was dedicated to the Emperor Severus Alexander and his mother Julia Mamaea entitled mater Augusti castrorum et senatus. Interestingly, this is one of the few Latin inscriptions in the province of Thrace where the epigraphic texts are mostly in Greek. The engraved Latin inscriptions refer to military units or veterans, as well as fiscus officials. It has been suggested that the veterans who built the Augusteum were discharged from legio XXX Ulpia. The assumption is based on another Latin inscription engraved on a tombstone from Augusta Traiana, set up to perpetuate the memory of a veteran, former imaginifer of vexillatio of the same legion (Nikolov 1990). The veterans under consideration are designated as consistentes which is commonly interpreted as an existence of their own community in the city. Although involved in civic life, it has been argued that as landowners they were in a position of subordination to the city. This case study confirms the existing blurring line between urban and rural, and the difficulty in identifying a clear and precise distinction between city and territory on an economic basis. The question of the economic basis of urbanization, however, is always subject to a discussion of the financial contribution of the landowning elite to the built environment.
While this is not an exhaustive indicator of the Roman urban economy, it is generally accepted that the non-agricultural sector accounts for the largest share of it (Erdkamp 2012). The available epigraphic record from the province of Thrace gives certain, if limited, insight into the work of various merchants and artisans, as well as the level of specialisation for urban manufacture. Documented existence of retailers (IGBulg. III,1 991; IGBulg. V 5464), grocers (IGBulg. III,1 917), butchers (IPerinthos 117), tanners (IGBulg. III,1 908), cobblers (IGBulg. II 664; IGBulg. III,1 1520), carpenters (IGBulg. II 690), fullers (IGBulg. II 679; IGBulg. V 5585) and wool fabric manufacturers (IGBulg. III,1 916) points to the existence of an urban economy that endeavours to meet different demands and various requirements for a large pool of customers. The caulkers in Philippopolis are highlighted in Lucian’s Runaways (Sharankov and Cherneva-Tilkiyan 2002, pp. 52–54; Cherneva 2006, pp. 187–188). The presence of artisans, particularly in the field of stone working and construction, can be noted in relation to the building activity and, consequently, to the elaboration of the architectural landscape of the cities: associations of stonemasons (IGBulg. II 674; IPerinthos 131), turner (Cherneva 2006, p. 187; Sharankov and Cherneva-Tilkiyan 2002, pp. 54–55) (Fig. 3c), builder (IGBulg. III,1 1448) and measurer (IGBulg. III,1 1401 bis) (on this topic see also the following section).
It is also noteworthy to consider the existence of merchant and artisan associations in Thrace, with a significant predominance of epigraphic accounts of merchants and craftsmen of Eastern origin. Furthermore, the epigraphically attested term συνέργιον is documented in Philippopolis, Adana, Miletos, Tarsos, and Side, and τέχνη is encountered in Prokonessos, Kyzikos, Hierapolis, Philadelphia, Apameia, and Termessos (Zimmermann 2002, pp. 25–31).
Many features and patterns serve as architectural decoration in the urban fabric of the city, highlighting the remarkable quality and artistic characteristics of the work and influence of famous stonemason workshops across the Roman Empire. The adoption of Anatolian decorative models, particularly in the application and treatment of the essential elements attributed to the five architectural orders, opens the discussion to consider not only the identification of the characteristics of architectural style and craftsmanship but also the imported stone material from quarries outside the borders of Thrace. It is also strongly indicative of the level of economic development of the province and certainly reveals the cultural influences on many different aspects of the diachronic evolvement of the urban environment. The architectural embellishment of Philippopolis followed a set of canons for the architectural decoration defined by the largest known stonemasonry workshops in the Roman Empire: Attica, Ephesos, Pergamon and Aphrodisias. The elaboration phases of the architectural orders and their application in the urban fabric of the city indicate a long process of change that appears to be synchronous with the main periods of urban development. Thus, the dating based on stylistic analysis of the architectural details corresponds well to the available archaeological data (Dimitrov 2009b, p. 104). It is worth noting that the main features of the Corinthian order used in the Philippopolis architecture, even with minor modifications, can be convincingly dated to the same time period as the prototype patterns created in Ephesos, Pergamon, Aphrodisias, Athens and Corinth (Dimitrov 2009b, p. 104).
Important aspects of monumentalization and different concepts and techniques embedded in the architectural embellishment of the city of Pautalia provide another remarkable example of the adoption, imitation, and adaptation of synchronous architectural trends. This is associated with the strong influence of the major stonemasonry workshops on the west coast of Asia Minor on the public architecture of Roman Thrace between the late second and the early third centuries AD. It is argued that the architectural details from Pautalia display a rather provincial craftsmanship resulting in the reduction of elements of the original decorative pattern (Dimitrov 2006, pp. 162, 166). The presence of a local stonemason’s workshop in the city or its territory is therefore justified.
The study of raw materials used for the most significant architectural complexes in the cities of Roman Thrace is connected to the data for local stone quarries and deposits. The well-documented monumentalization of these provincial cities was an important element in the larger process of urbanization (Kesyakova 1999; 2004; Martinova 2004; Topalilov 2012; Katsarova 2005). Long-lasting archaeological investigations have revealed that the street network and the infrastructure of several urban centres were constructed because of the exploitation of local stone quarries (Dimitrov 2009a, p. 299; Dimitrov and Stanev 2013, pp. 25–27; Dimitrov 2015). The extraction of local stone material in the Roman period was highly organised, and the development of stonemasonry showed remarkable progress. The layout and the spectacular arrangement of the agora complex were a symbol of the city’s self-government represented in the physical appearance of the centre. The study of quarries, their location in relation to the urban landscape and the extent of stone extraction would therefore provide important information about the patterns of urbanization and monumentalization in Roman Thrace.
The large imperial construction projects aimed at mainly fortifying and defending the province also created a considerable demand for stone material, good organisation of stone quarrying and infrastructure for shipping the stones to cities across the empire. They also led to a sharp increase in the demand for skilled labour. Construction and repair of fortress walls were usually carried out on imperial initiative conducted under the supervision of the provincial governors (Dig. 1.8.9.4). Although many references relate to the building policy of the Roman authorities in the province, the contribution of the cities to these construction projects in terms of workers and funds should not be underestimated. Inscriptions found in the territories of Serdica, Augusta Traiana, and Marcianopolis are evidence for the construction of burgi and praesidia in AD 152 for the defence (ob tutelam) of the province of Thrace (Tacheva 2000, pp. 186–187). The territories of these three cities were adjacent to the border with the province of Moesia Inferior. There is also epigraphic evidence of the construction of burgi and praesidia on the territory of Deultum and Bizye in AD 155 for the protection of Thrace (Tacheva 2000, p. 187). Despite its strategic position, both geographically and economically, Philippopolis was fortified by a wall as late as AD 172, which was a construction project associated with the building programme of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius for the protection of the province against the invasions of the Marcomanni and Costoboci (IGBulg. III,1 878). Since the southern wall overlaps streets paved with syenite slabs, it is plausibly assumed that the organised extraction of stone material from the city’s hills must have begun before AD 172. The fortress wall of Serdica was also part of the imperial building programme commemorated by a building inscription set up at the city’s gates between AD 177 and AD 180 (Stancheva 1975).
Many sectors of the fortress walls in provincial cities were seriously damaged after the Gothic invasions in the middle of the third century AD. According to written sources (HA Gall. 13.6), the Emperor Gallienus sent two architects to Thrace to supervise the construction of new walls in the 260 s AD. The imperial rebuilding programme must have been based on an already well-developed system for local quarrying and stone processing.
Written sources for the study of white marble provenance in Thrace
Within the study of marble provenance, evidence of marble production in literary and epigraphic sources must be taken into consideration. Literary texts and inscriptions allow the contextualisation of quarrying and building activities in the Roman trade and administration system (Hirt 2010).
Dealing with written texts, it should be pointed out that these can sometimes be misleading and therefore need a deep and careful interpretation. In the case of marble studies, the shift in the semantic field of the Latin word for marble “marmor” is, for instance, very meaningful. While the modern term designates a stone with precise petrographic characteristics, the Latin word is less specific and it is used to indicate a particularly shiny and white stone, which does not necessarily have to be a metamorphic stone but could also be a limestone (Ward-Perkins 1961; Höcker 2004, pp. 161–162). On the other hand, in Greek, marble was often designated with the very general phrase λευκός λίθος (white stone), with which white non-metamorphic stones could be meant as well (IGBulg I2 391; IGBulg I2 315; IGBulg I2 312; IGBulg I2 43; IK Sestos 1; I. Aeg. Thrace E5; I. Aeg. Thrace E183.). A further observation can be made on the vocabulary used to produce raw materials. In this context, the Latin word metalla and the Greek word μέταλλα were used to indicate both quarries and mines (OLD, s.v. metallum; LSJ, s.v. μέταλλον). The determination was given only by adding a supplementary word or had to be interpreted according to the context. Additionally, at least in the case of Thrace, it can be argued that metalla could have occasionally included in the same administrative unit both quarries and mines, as those were often very close to each other because of logistic reasons.
While gold and silver production in the territory of Thrace is well attested in literary sources, references to marble are very scanty, with the only exception of Thasian marble, which was delivered from the small island all around the Roman empire for architecture and statuary (Plin. NH. XXXVI, 44; Vitr. X, 2, 15; Paus. I, 18, 6; Plut., Cato min., 11; Sen. epist. LXXXVI, 6; Stat. Silv. I, 5, 34; Stat. Silv. II, 2, 92–93) and was considered in Rome a symbol of luxury (Pensabene 2013, pp. 281–290). Quarries of white marble existed in Roman Thrace and Thracian marble was employed locally to decorate villas and the newly founded cities. The use of local marble can be observed in different regions of the Roman Empire (Russell 2013, pp. 141 –166). The silence of the sources might be due to the mainly local use of Thracian marble which consequently, did not catch the attention of Latin authors living in the empire’s capital. The literary sources on Thrace mainly date back to a period before the wave of urbanization of the province in the middle of the second century, and consequently might not report on marble quarries.
Among the written sources, marble studies can benefit from inscriptions from different perspectives. Firstly, including inscriptions within the sampled materials is very helpful, as these can often offer a more precise dating for buildings, monuments and artefacts and provide further information about the issuer of the monument. In some cases, inscriptions also mention the quality of marble and its cost.
Inscriptions document in many contexts the activity of workshops of stonemasons, like in the case of Nicopolis ad Istrum (IGBulg II 674) or Vicus Trullensium (CIL III 12390) on the border between Thracia and Moesia inferior. These, nevertheless, never specify if the artisans were specialised in the production of marble artefacts.
In many cases, inscriptions testify to the provincial borders that had mainly an administrative meaning but were less relevant from a commercial point of view, including the marble trade. Tax districts like the publicum portorii Illyrici (Vittinghoff 1953; Gerov 1980; Ørsted 1985) were supra-provincial. Continuity and trade connections can be observed between neighbouring provinces, especially in the absence of any geographical borders. This is striking in the case of Macedonia and Moesia inferior but is also visible within the geographical area of the Danubian provinces. The patterns of continuity in the control of the territory and the socio-economic links between Thrace and the eastern part of Macedonia, for example, continued for centuries after the creation of the new province of Thrace. This is not surprising as in the eastern part of this province a large portion of the population was of Thracian origin, and the Thracian aristocracy had interests in this area. For example, we know that the Thracian king was also the owner of quarries in Macedonia, as it is attested in one inscription from Chalkero, a quarry eastern of the modern city Kavala (Vakalakis 1935, pp. 304–305).
From a historical perspective, inscriptions (funerary, honorific, votive and also inscriptions on small objects) can offer elements for the understanding of the administration of ancient ore districts. However, the interpretation of this kind of source can be controversial and is often open to interpretation. This is because the mention of quarries and marble production is often not direct but is deduced from the simultaneity of different factors—monuments referring to imperial or private estates as well as the presence of military divisions which can be connected with a high level of certainty to ancient quarrying or mining activities, through the presence of archaeological evidence. In this case, further observations on the administration of the productive district can be inferred.
For example, inscriptions by members of the imperial entourage found close to mines and quarries show that these had previously belonged to the Thracian kingdom and then had become part of the imperial praedia. Evidence for this is provided by some inscriptions found in the territory of Malko Tărnovo, which correspond to the surroundings of the capital of the Thracian kingdom Bizye (IGBulg III,2 1859 (155/156 AD), IGBulg III,2, 1863 (second century AD), IGBulg III,2, 1868 (170 AD ca.) and Gerov 1988, pp. 80–82). Similar to what happened in Macedonia, the emperor became the owner of mines and quarries in the newly conquered territories (Hirt 2010, p. 91). Some of these remained parts of the imperial fiscus, while other portions might have been resold or leased to private contractors (Maiuro 2012; Dalla Rosa 2016). Prominent families, like the Aufidii, are epigraphically attested throughout the province and beyond, as owners or conductores of properties and quarries that could have belonged either to the emperor or to the cities (Gerov 1988, p. 82; Mathieu 1999).
Finally, inscriptions attest very clearly that the military presence is in some circumstances related to the control of metalla, especially in the case of Thrace, which in Imperial times was a demilitarised province (provincia inermis). The best-known and exemplary case regards Montana and the regio Montanensium a territory garrisoned by military divisions which had multiple functions such as carrying out technical and logistic tasks, supervising mines, and quarries and securing the viabilities, which connected the limes to Thrace through the Balkan passes. Here the cohors I Claudia Sugambrorum at first, then the vexillationes of the legions I Italica and XI Claudia are attested through many inscriptions from the Diana and Apollo sanctuary. A similar phenomenon can be noticed in other parts of Thrace, like the middle Struma valley, divided between the Roman provinces of Thrace and Macedonia, characterised by large quantities of marble deposits. Ancient marble quarries have also been identified in the territory of the Roman town of Parthikopolis, in Macedonia (Petrova and Petkov 2015, pp. 451–456; Petrova 2017). A military presence is attested here by the funerary monuments of beneficiarii and praetorians both in the city and in the nearby villages (IGBulg IV 2270 = CBI 670; IGBulg IV 2285bis; IGBulg V 5897). Furthermore, in the famous petition presented by the inhabitants of Skaptopara, a village in the Struma valley, to the emperor Gordian III two military camps were mentioned (see Hallof 1994; Hauken 1998; Magioncalda 2009). The deployment of military units in this area could have been motivated by the need to control strategic points on the road and river navigation network more than by defensive reasons.
Overview of geologic units in Thrace and the related types of marble
Even though ancient written sources are rather silent, the province of Thrace was rich in marble sources. The Rhodope Mountains dominate the geologic formations of southern Bulgaria and northern Greece. They exhibit a complex Alpine succession of tectonic compression and subsequent relaxation and extension. Ultrahigh and high-pressure metamorphism affected these sequences and, accordingly, this resulted in an appreciable coarsening of the carbonate rocks in these sequences. The textural features of these marbles are characteristic, and they show a continuous transition from coarse-grained, slightly deformed structures to completely deformed extremely fine-grained ultra-mylonites (Burg et al. 1996; Ricou et al. 1998; Wüthrich 2009).
On the western margin of the Rhodope mountains in SW Bulgaria, the geologic formations belong to the same low tectonostratigraphic series which dominate the geology of the island of Thasos and the coastal region of northern Greece. Towards the west intensive faulting formed the Sandanski Graben terminating the Rhodope formations towards the west. The marbles in the region of Ilindentsi and of the Pirin mountains belong to these formations (Wüthrich 2009).
The Sredna Gora Zone occupies a position between the high-grade metamorphic Rhodope massif in the south and the Balkan Mountains in the North. The rock inventory comprises a pre-Mesozoic basement and Mesozoic and Neozoic sedimentary rocks and volcanic series, the latter being the most abundant rock types in this zone. Carbonate rocks, especially marbles, do not play a substantial role in this unit (Fig. 4).
Compiled geological map of Bulgaria based on the published information (Vangelov et al. 2013). 1–6—Superimposed post-compressional basin systems: 1—Quaternary; 2—Plio-Pleistocene basin system; 3—Miocene basins; 4—Late Eocene–Oligocene basin system; 5—Priabonian basin system south of the thin-skinned part of the thrust belt; 6—Paleogene deposits on the Moesian Platform; 7—Lower–Middle Eocene on the thin-skinned allochthone; 8—Late Cretaceous basins on the Moesian Platform; 9—Upper Cretaceous rocks (Srednogorie and Eastern Balkan—Emine basins); 10—Early Cretaceous foreland basin; 11—Upper Jurassic–Lower Cretaceous; 12—Lower–Middle Jurassic; 13—Triassic and Lower–Middle Jurassic basement of the Eastern Balkan; 14—Triassic epi-platform type; 15—allochthonous Triassic in Strandzha; 16—Upper Carboniferous–Permian; 17—high-grade metamorphitc rocks in the Rhodope–Serbo-Macedonian Massif; 18—Early Alpine (?) syntectonic granitoids; 19—metamorphosed Permian–Triassic complex in Sakar; 20—Silurian–Lower Carboniferous low-grade rocks; 21—green-schist metamorphic complex; 22—Variscan plutons; 23—high-grade metamorphic rocks from Strandzha, Srednogorie and Kraiste basement; 24—Upper Cretaceous plutons
The Strandzha Massif in the eastern part of modern-day Bulgaria and the European part of Turkey is composed of a high metamorphic Variscan basement which is overlain by Mesozoic shallow marine sequences, the latter being metamorphosed in greenschist-facies during the Late Jurassic. Consequently, marbles of different metamorphic grades occur. Coarse-grained, white high-metamorphic marbles can be found in the core complexes, e.g., in the region of Malko Tarnovo. The metamorphic recrystallization of the carbonate rocks strongly depends on the distance to the intrusive rocks. In the Mesozoic cover overlaying the basement, slightly metamorphosed and recrystallised calcitic and especially dolomitic marbles can be found. A prominent marble of this formation (dolomitic marble) was mined in the Topolovgrad area and widely used for sculpturing and decorative architecture.
The Balkan Mountains (Haemus, Stara Planina) is a mountain belt between the Rhodope Mountains and the Sredna Gora zone in the south and the stable European Moesian platform in the north. Folding, uplifting and mountain building occurred in the Paleogene. Besides the Stara Planina magmatic complexes, which are of considerable metallogenetic importance, there are low-grade to very low-grade sedimentary series of Neoproterozoic to Upper Carboniferous age. These Palaeozoic marbles were of considerable importance in Roman times. Fine-grained marble is rarely pure white and of slight beige to pinkish colour. Remnants of the Roman mining activity of these marbles still can be found around Berkovitsa (Zagorchev 2014).
The study of these geological sources, in combination with the study of archaeological objects made of marble throughout the province, will demonstrate how these marbles were widely used in sculpture or architecture and further highlight the existence of local workshops and artisans.
Marble analyses: the archaeometric approach and applied methods
This interdisciplinary, comparative approach to marble analysis includes a geological study of the related region and the provenance of archaeological artefacts in combination with a geological database of important and well-known marble sources from antiquity.
Currently, only destructive methods and techniques can be used to determine the marble’s provenance. This method requires sampling undertaken as small chips measuring a few mm in size, preferably from broken or hidden surfaces. Before grinding or polishing the surface, traces of weathering are carefully removed mechanically. After careful cleaning, the sample is made into a fine powder and is used for the analysis of the isotopic values and trace elements and isotope analysis (for the procedures see Prochaska and Attanasio 2021; 2022). Before grinding, an aliquot of 1 g of the sand-size sample is used for the extraction of the fluids of the micro inclusions (Attanasio et al. 2006; Prochaska and Grillo 2010). The samples of the current research are prepared at the laboratory of the Austrian Archaeological Institute in Vienna, Austria.
In detail, only moderate progress in the techniques of investigation has been made, and often the applied analytical methods are restricted to stable isotope analysis. This necessitates that the corresponding data fields of the different marbles often overlap resulting in unclear outcomes. In the present paper, we applied a combination of the following analytical procedures: petrography, analysis of the stable isotopes of Carbon and Oxygen, trace element chemistry and analysis of micro-inclusions. Petrography on artefacts is applied if the size of the sample is sufficient, and thin sections for microscopic investigations can be prepared. For the analysis of stable isotopes of O and C, a few mgs are required. Additional variables are obtained by trace element chemistry. The analysis is made in collaboration with “Museum für Naturkunde Berlin”, Germany. In contrast to the outsized amount of stable isotope data, the information on other chemical parameters of ancient white marbles is rather moderate. In this context, it is important to mention that those elements that are incorporated into the carbonate lattice (Mg, Fe, Mn, Sr, and Zn) exhibit a rather homogeneous and consistent distribution that can be advantageously used to discriminate between different types of white marbles. In recent years, chemical analyses with a larger range of elements (Mn, Mg, Fe, Sr, Y, V, Cd, Ba, La, Ce, Yb and U) with the ICP-MS method have been analysed. Trace element analysis was performed on sample powders after thorough cleaning of the chip samples, using an Agilent 8800 ICP Triple Quad (ICP-QQQ) mass spectrometer, in collaboration with the TU Wien (Technical University of Vienna), Austria. Finally, we used an analysis of micro-inclusions, based on the “crush and leach” analysis of extractable total dissolved solids (TDS) from marbles and carbonate rocks. These solutes occur basically in very small fluid-filled cavities, the so-called fluid inclusions, which can be found in all marbles and are usually relatively homogeneous in composition (Anevlavi and Prochaska 2021).
The acquisition of many variables requires statistical data processing. When combining the results from isotope analysis, trace element analysis and the analysis of the chemistry of the inclusion fluids, we use multivariate discrimination analysis for statistical evaluation and data treatment. A central element of the data evaluation is a comparison with the existing white marble database which currently contains approximately 5500 quarry samples. The database covers the most important marble quarries in the Roman Empire, allowing for the differentiation of local quarries from one another. The particular density in Asia Minor (Dokimeion, Ephesos, Heraklea, Aphrodisias) makes regional classification possible. To this number, a further 4500 samples can be added, sourced from various groups of artefacts from ancient sites and museums, in particular architectural features, sculptures, reliefs, sarcophagi and inscriptions. For analytical information on the methods and the quarries database see Part I Prochaska and Attanasio (2021) and Part III Prochaska and Attanasio (2022).
An overview of the first results
Given that the region represents terra incognita for marble studies from an archaeological perspective, a systematic study of the use of marble in Thracian cities, villas and sanctuaries is an absolute desideratum (Russell 2013). The state of marble research in Bulgaria is not uniform. There has not been intensive research and analysis of marble quarries and outcrops. Petrova and Ivanov (2008) provide a general list of ancient quarries, describing where these are located and the material found. However, there is still a need to carry out analytical studies or fingerprinting of the quarries. A study on limestone as the main ancient building material in Marcianopolis has been published by Zdravko Dimitrov (2015). The establishment of this research was prompted by the lack of systematic study of quarries and cities (artefacts such as architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, etc.).
For the current project, the region of Inland Thrace was chosen. While the coastal regions of the Aegean, Marmara and Black Sea, as well as the islands, were shaped by Greek culture, the interior of the region was under the control of Thracian kings, who were nevertheless closely linked to the Hellenistic world. Urban settlement structures did not exist in the rural areas, except for dynastic centres (Popov 2005). The first to the third centuries have been chosen as the chronological framework, as it is during this period that fundamental changes can be observed in the interior of Thrace.
The research targets are mainly focused on archaeological material and quarry samples. Based on experience, several samples are necessary for each category of an architectural element. Since the main emphasis of the study is marble as a building material, paving slabs, socles and curbs are included. However, other archaeological objects, such as inscriptions, sculptures, votive plates and daily use objects, complete the use of marble and the trade policy.
In two pilot studies, the marble artefacts of the Armira (Anevlavi et al. 2022) and Kasnakovo (Anevlavi et al. 2019) villas were completed and already published. The marble inventory of Villa Armira has been studied, with the result that all the architectural and decorative elements of the villa are of local origin. An Asian origin (e.g., from the quarries of Aphrodisias) can be ruled out. The sources of the marble are the ancient quarries next to the villa and the quarries near Kamilski dol, some 27 km away (modern road; and about 12 km north-west as the crow flies). The latter has been proven to have been of some importance in antiquity by the archaeological record. The local production of exquisite artefacts made from the high-quality marble of the immediate surroundings of Villa Armira seems to indicate the temporary activity of specialists during the construction and furnishing of the villa by travelling masters. The concentration of several quarries of high-quality marble in Kamilski Dol may indicate the existence of a permanent workshop. Since Kamilski Dol is located a few kilometres north of the navigable Arda River, marble from these quarries could have been transported by boat to important Thracian cities, contributing to the monumentalisation of these centres (Anevlavi et al. 2022). From the Roman villa near the Bulgarian village of Kasnakovo (Dimitrovgrad Municipality), also known as the “Sanctuary of the Nymphs and Aphrodite”, 28 samples of marble and limestone artefacts were collected and analysed. The objects analysed include architectural elements made of limestone from the nymphaeum, architectural elements of marble and limestone (capitals, pillars, facing panels, frames, a pedestal, a table and a fountain basin) and marble sculptures (a statue of Isis and a satyr’s head) from the living area of the villa; white marble fragments of three different statues (a life-size foot with sandal, an elbow and a leg) from the building on the eastern terrace where the family mausoleum of the owner of the villa were identified. A selective use of local white marble and limestone for the architectural elements is shown by the results of the analysis. The wealth and the desire for self-expression of the owners of the villa is shown by the use of marble for the fountain basin, the table and the cladding panels in the living area of the villa and the statues, whose marble was imported from Attica and Thasos (Anevlavi et al. 2019).
During the sampling campaign of Autumn 2021, Spring 2022, and Winter 2022, numerous artefacts from various archaeological sites and museums of Bulgaria were sampled, including architectural decorations, architectural elements, inscriptions, altars, grave steles, votive plates and sculptures. These objects were found in the main Roman cities (Philippopolis, Augusta Traiana, Deultum, Pautalia, Nicopolis ad Istrum, etc.), Roman villae (of Kasnakovo, Armira and Chatalka), and sanctuaries (Glava Panega, Lozen, etc.). The sampled objects have been organised into sub-groups based on the above-mentioned locations and are currently under investigation. Presently, the sampled artefacts (Table 1) show a preponderance of local material with the presence of some imported marbles. The analytical work was conducted with the goal of pinpointing the use of the high-quality local marble of the Rhodope Mountains. Furthermore, the identification of the different types of imported marble provides insight into the trade of this exclusive material.
A large range of artefacts was sampled from the ancient city of Pautalia and its territory. These samples included architectural elements (pilaster capitals, etc.), sculptures, votive plates and inscriptions. Different types of marble can be observed, ranging between fine to coarse-grain sizes and various colours from white to grey and beige shades. Special attention was given to the building complex of the thermae and its architectural elements. Here, different types of marble can be seen, including the coloured marble source of the well-known Pavonazzetto (Phrygian marble). This type of material is used for architectural elements, including door frames and thresholds. Furthermore, the sanctuaries of Hisarlak and Kopilovtsi, near the city of Pautalia, revealed many votive plates made of local marble from the Rhodope region (medium-grained and ultra-fine-grained marble).
The important marble connections and trade via the main crossroads of the ancient network that linked the Aegean world with the Balkan hinterland are the subject of the next case study, devoted to the Upper and Middle Strymon Valley. The trade between the borders of Roman Macedonia and Thrace provides a link between East and West. The results of a group of funerary monuments from Upper and Middle Strymon Valley, now located in the Regional History Museum Blagoevgrad, show that most of the objects are made of Pletvar marble (North Macedonia). This quarry is in the territory of the province of Macedonia and provides high-quality raw stone materials. In addition, the group also consisted of three samples of Prokonnesos, one of the other great sources of ancient marble. Sources in the immediate vicinity of the Strymon Valley (Petrovo, Pirin) from the province of Thrace and Asenovgrad (hinterland of Philippopolis) show a mixed selection of local sources. This combination of large quarries and local production establishes a strong level of economic integration and development of the exploitation of the local raw material sources in the region (Anevlavi et al. forthcoming).
Detailed investigations of Philippopolis involve various buildings such as the Agora, the theatre, the stadium and the eastern gate. According to the preliminary evaluation, many of these buildings were made of local Rhodopes marble, with several marble combinations like the use of Prokonnesian marble in the Corinthian capitals of the Agora, or the use of local coloured breccia in the theatre. However, the analysis of the sculptures from this location specifies different sources of imported marble including Prokonnesos, Aphrodisias and Penteli. The results of analysed artefacts from Philippopolis are part of the Ph.D. thesis of Vasiliki Anevlavi, at the University of Salzburg-Austria, and they will be presented at the beginning of 2024 in relevant publications.
Similar preliminary observations can be addressed in the concrete example of Augusta Traiana. In the Forum, two different types of stone sources can be observed, local and imported marble, with the second being Prokonnesian marble used for the Corinthian capitals. An interesting variant of this site is the extended use of possibly local limestone for many different purposes, like architectural elements, sculptures, imperial inscriptions and votive plates.
In summary, the integration of geological samples and archaeometric data is a powerful interdisciplinary approach that can enhance our understanding of the Roman Imperial period. It not only provides insights into trade and economic history but also offers a glimpse into the cultural, artistic and environmental aspects of this era. Additional information on the supra-regional marble trade and the Thracian network with the western and eastern parts of the Roman Empire will be provided by further studies and analytical investigations of the above-mentioned cities.
The importance of local sources exploitation: the case study of Berkovitsa marble
One of the first investigated quarry areas is Berkovitsa, located in NW Bulgaria (Fig. 5a and b). The goal of the investigation was to understand the marble supply actions and choices of the geographical region. The macroscopic appearance of this material is that of a fine-grained marble without visible lineation or foliation. The colour strongly varies from white/slightly beige to pinkish types.
a Aerial photo from the region of Berkovitsa and Montana (©Frerix B., ÖAI/ÖAW) and b a quarry façade from Berkovitsa (©Ivanov Il.)
The microscopic picture of the white, relatively pure varieties reveals a homoeoblastic texture of the calcite fabric. The grain size of the calcites is about 1 mm. The carbonate phase is calcitic, and no dolomitic content could be detected (Fig. 6a). The grain boundaries are serrated, and the twin lamellae are moderately twisted indicating post-crystalline deformation of the rock.
a Calcite fabric of a white, relatively pure variety of the Berkovitsa marble. Rare accessory minerals are quartz, mica and very small flakes of hematite (polarised light on the left-hand side, transmitted light on the right-hand side; length of images is 6 mm) (© Prochaska W., ÖAI/ÖAW); b microphoto of a pinkish variety of the Berkovitsa marble. Non-carbonate contributions consist of quartz, mica and abundant small flakes of hematite (polarised light on the left-hand side, transmitted light on the right-hand side; length of images is 6 mm) (© Prochaska W., ÖAI/ÖAW)
The pinkish varieties of the Berkovitsa marble are the result of various but ubiquitous content of non-carbonate contributions. These types are usually of finer grain (below 1 mm); however, the general textural features are similar to the white varieties. Aggregates of feldspar, mica, quartz and hematite are pseudomorphs after an unknown precursor mineral. The high content of small flakes of hematite is responsible for the pinkish colour of the marble (Fig. 6b). Analytical information about Berkovitsa and the rest of the Bulgarian quarries will be presented in a forthcoming publication.
The sampled artefacts from Montana (Bulgaria)
Berkovitsa marble was used primarily for artefacts found in Montana, and a variety of sampled artefacts provide evidence of its widespread use. In the territory of Montana, various mines with the extraction of iron and lead, gold and silver and quarries (limestone and marble) were located. The army controlled the production and export of raw materials (Rankov 1983; Ivanov and Luka 2015, p. 245; Cenati, forthcoming). In the region of Lower Moesia, it is believed that the quarries and mines had different possible owners, including the state, the cities, as well as private entrepreneurs. Ownership was likely shifting, depending on the period (Dworakowska 1983). It has been argued that wealthy Romans and members of the Italic elite were involved in Montana due to the profits originating from quarries and mines (Velkov 1980, pp.91–92). This interpretation derives from epigraphical and archaeological evidence from villae found on the territory of Montana (Dinchev 1997, pp. 37–39).
One of the important monuments of Montana is the Sanctuary of Diana and Apollo, situated at the karst spring (Ognenova-Marinova et al. 1987). The sanctuary contains columns, marble epistyles, niches for statues and statue bases with inscriptions. There are more than 40 inscriptions by soldiers who dedicated monuments in the sanctuary. Inscriptions for Hygieia, Asclepius and other gods were also found in the sanctuary area, including statues of Diana, a torso of Asclepius and votive reliefs with the Thracian horseman. The high quality of the craftsmanship led to questions of their provenance and whether the local marble source of Berkovitsa was used for this purpose. A pottery workshop was excavated near the sanctuary, and moulds for votive reliefs were also found (Velkov 1980, p. 95).
The presented preliminary Montana cluster was sampled in 2021. Various objects from the city and its vicinity, now located at the National Archaeological Institute with Museum (permanent exhibition and museum depot), as well as the National History Museum (both in Sofia), give a new perspective on trade in the city and more generally in the provinces. Among the samples, eight inscribed objects (inscriptions, altars, a statue base, etc.), seven sculptures, four votive plates, three funerary monuments and one architectural element were analysed (Tab. 1).
The isotopic (Fig. 7a) and multivariate results (Fig. 7b) showed that most of the artefacts are made of Berkovitsa marble. Despite the overlapping quarry clusters in the isotopic diagram, the archaeological elements show clear discrimination, with the results and complete separation of the sources in the multivariate diagram. The architectural element FWM0190 is one of the exceptions, as it is made of Prokonnesian marble.
The isotopic and multivariate diagram of the Montana samples (Ed. Anevlavi V., ÖAI/ÖAW)
A sampled sculpture head of dolomitic marble (FWM0121) was treated separately and compared with dolomitic geological sources. The local dolomitic source of Topolovgrad is excluded due to the grained size. The sample FWM0121 is of white colour, medium- to coarse-grained marble and Topolovgrad sources are of white colour and fine-grained marble. Sivec quarry (fine-grained) together with Ilindentsi are the closest locations to the area of Montana; however, the Sivec marble is fine-grained and Ilindentsi marble does not share the same isotopic and chemical characteristics. Both diagrams (Fig. 8a and b) show that the artefact is made of Thasian dolomite (Vathi area). The analytical data can be found in the supplementary file. The Supplementary material provides the data with the lab and sample number, including the stable isotopic values of Carbon and Oxygen, and the chemical values from the ICP-MS analysis (including Magnesium, Manganese, Iron, Strontium, Chromium, Vanadium, Yttrium, Cadmium, Boron, Lanthanum, Cerium, Praseodymium, Dysprosium, Holmium, Ytterbium, Lead, and Uranium, data in ppm). The archaeological samples were compared against a database of 5500 geological samples from marble quarries and outcrops of the ancient world, including Carrara, Prokonnesos, Dokimeion, Pentelikon, Paros, Thasos, Miletos/Heraklea, Ephesos, as well as locations in the near vicinities such as North Greece and North Macedonia. The presented diagrams provide the final selection of quarries with the closest chemical relation to the studied artefacts.
The isotopic and multivariate diagram of the Montana dolomitic sample (FWM0121) (Ed. Anevlavi V., ÖAI/ÖAW)
A first overview of the connections and eventually the trade of the region and the extended use of the Berkovitsa marble are given by the analysed cluster of artefacts from Montana and its region. A great variety of objects, including many inscribed objects (altars, a statue base, and inscriptions), sculptures, votive reliefs and tombstones are all made of Berkovitsa marble. This is evidence that the material was available and usable for a wide range of artefacts, from small votive reliefs to full-size sculptures and architecture (Fig. 9).
A selection of the artefacts from Montana made of Berkovitsa marble (©Anevlavi V., ÖAI/ÖAW)
However, despite the extensive use of local marble, two objects from supra-regional quarries confirm the long-distance connections and possibly the trade network of the city. Due to the small number of artefacts from these two locations, one from Thasos and one from Prokonnesos, no secure indications of trade relations between Thasos, Prokonnesos and Montana can be drawn. However, the Dolomitic Thasian sculpture (FWM0121) is possibly related to the Roman elites of the city and their choices of using lavish materials. The decorative architectural element made from Prokonnesian marble proves the use of this specific material in architecture, despite the extensive quantity and good quality of the local source. Future investigations with these research questions will consider the possibly deliberate or coincidental choice of these sources for use in these types of artefacts.
Other artefacts made of Berkovitsa marble
Further investigations will provide more insights into the stone trade in the area. In addition, the provenance of Berkovitsa marble in other cities and areas of the province of Thrace and neighbouring provinces will demonstrate the export power of the specific source; large architectural elements have been found beyond the Berkovitsa and Montana areas, in the Serdica and Philippopolis areas. The architrave frieze from Serdica (FWM0094) (Fig. 10a) (Dimitrov 2004) and the coffer from Philippopolis (FWM0547) highlight the production of monumental architectural elements. They also show a high level of craftsmanship, shown by the detailed ornamentation. Unfortunately, it is not possible to link these pieces to a specific building, although they are strong evidence of the suitability of Berkovitsa marble for this type of production.
a The architrave frieze from Serdica made of Berkovitsa marble (FWM0094) (© Anevlavi V., ÖAI/ÖAW) and b the “Boar-hunt” sculpture from Felix Romuliana made of Berkovitsa marble (© Prochaska W., ÖAI/ÖAW)
Like the Montana case study, Berkovitsa marble was also used for small objects. Sampled votive plates from the sanctuary of Artemis/Diana the area of Nicopolis ad Istrum confirmed the presence of this material for three artefacts. In addition, one life-size sculpture from the territory of Nicopolis ad Istrum is also made of Berkovitsa marble (Andreeva et al. forthcoming). Analyses from Felix Romuliana (Gamzigrad/Serbia) showed the use of Berkovitsa marble in the production of a sculpture representing a scene of a “Boar-hunt” (Fig. 10b) and architectural pieces (floor slabs). Prochaska and Živić presented their research on the marble provenance of sculptures from Felix Romuliana (Prochaska and Živić 2018). It is not possible to give a precise date for the creation of the sculpture, its reworking or its placement on the site, but it is assumed that it did not belong to the original decoration of the villa and rather dates to a post-use period vaguely in the first to third quarter of the fifth century AD (von Bülow 2020, pp. 279, 392).
Marble trading routes in the case study of Montana and Berkovitsa
Accessibility in general can be seen as a key element in the exploitation of marble quarries. Aside from the quality of the marble, there were undeniable economic advantages in having good access to transport infrastructure and cheap means of transport, as well as a favourable topography (Russell 2013, p. 97). Concerning the Berkovitsa marble and the antique quarry sites, the modern marble extraction sites are located near the bottom of a valley, where the small and today unnavigable Berkovska river flows. Extraction, hauling, loading and land transport were not hindered by the topography. The modern quarry site in Berkovitsa (≈510 m above sea level) is about 20 km southwards of Montana (135 m above sea level). Regarding the availability of river transport, further research must show if or to what degree the Augusta/Ogosta River passing through Montana was viable for riverine stone transport. Due to the numerous water hydraulic engineering works along the river and the large Ogosta reservoir that flooded at least three villae rusticae (Alexandrov 1980; Dinchev 1997, pp. 32–41), an upcoming PhD thesis will further elaborate on the possibility of riverine marble transport on the fluvius Augusta in antiquity. Moreover, a comprehensive account of the distribution and trade network of white marble in Roman Thrace will be presented (Frerix, forthcoming).
From Montana, the nearest points of transhipment and river transport may have been the ports of Ratiaria or Augustae (Fig. 11). Long-distance trade was facilitated by the Danube and the Black Sea, which provided a transport link to Prokonnesos, Thasos and the Mediterranean world. Findings of Berkovitsa marble in Nicopolis ad Istrum give reason to assume river transport, as the city had a harbour and was connected to the Danube by the rivers Rositsa and Yantra (Poulter 1995, p. 8). Whether the Timok River was navigable up to the confluence of the Black and White Timok near Felix Romuliana is speculative, as further research is needed. In the mineral-rich region, the “boar-hunt” statue that has been found at the site of the villa rustica near the late antique palace is made of Berkovitsa marble (cf. above). As the river valleys of the Danube tributaries provided relatively easy access to the mountainous hinterland (Werner 1986, pp. 561–562), the downstream distribution of heavy metals or large volumes of marble would theoretically have been more economical by water than by road (Duncan-Jones 1982).
An approximation of the Roman road network in the middle of the second century AD. The simultaneous existence of all the routes cannot be verified on the basis of the archaeological sources. Routes based on Soustal 1991, Talbert 2000, Wendel 2005, Madzharov 2009, Panaite 2019 (© Frerix, B., ÖAI/ÖAW)
The assessment of the significance of Montana as a traffic junction in the Roman Imperial period based on the late antique Itineraries depicting the area, the Tabula Peutingeriana, Itinerarium Antonini Augusti and Itinerarium Burdigalense is not feasible, as there is no single mention of it. In addition, the antique written sources neglect Montana (Miller 1916; Cuntz 1990; Wendel 2005, p. 45). The exact routes of the Roman roads in the area are still disputable. Archaeological evidence of the road network is only partially tangible, due to the dense modern development in the area. Indicators for the city’s traffic significance may be derived from its strategic position within the topography on the northern slopes of the Haemus mons, the nearby mountain passes and the archaeological remains of military presence. To the west of Montana, following the valley of the Augusta/Ogosta River, the Sveti Nikola pass is reachable within a few days of travel (Fig. 12). The altitude of the pass is 1378 m. It has been postulated that a pass road was first constructed in the nineteenth century (Jireček 1877, p. 161), but Boris Gerov objects; that it is highly likely that it was already used in Roman times (Gerov 1979, p. 217 fn. 29). Uncertain, but equally likely, is the Roman use of the Belogradschik Pass, which had a relatively low elevation of 580 m and provided a link to the Timok Valley. At Timacum Minus, epigraphic evidence attests to the presence of the cohors I Thracum Syriaca from Vespasian (69–79) to Marcus Aurelius (161–180). The partly mounted cohort was deployed to protect the mining facilities and the transport infrastructure (Matei-Popescu 2010, pp. 233–235; Mócsy 2014, pp. 51, 81; Diers 2018, p. 6). From Timacum Minus, northwards, Felix Romuliana could be reached within a day’s walk on the road. To the south, the road led to Naissus/Niš and the main trans-provincial road that ran diagonally from Singidunum to the Thracian Sea and Byzantion, known in modern times as the via diagonalis/via militaris. Although the connection made by the discovery of the Berkorvitsa marble at Felix Romuliana is based on a limited number of finds, if the presumed overland transport via the Belogradschik Pass was conducted in the Roman Imperial period, the exact route from Montana remains a desideratum.
Borderlands of Thrace with Montana and its surroundings in the mid-second century AD. Shown is an anachronistic depiction of the known borders and the village landscape with the modern Ogosta Reservoir (© Frerix, B., ÖAI/ÖAW)
The main east–west thoroughfare in the Lower Moesian Plain ran from Melta via Nicopolis ad Istrum to Marcianopolis. The Itinerarium Antonini states the continuation of the road from Marcianopolis to Odessos at the Black Sea coast with 18 mp (Itin. Ant. 228, 4). Although not being depicted in the Itineraries, it is now assumed that from Melta, the road continued to Montana (Madzharov 2009, pp. 224–227; Panaite 2019, p. 48). Based on the field surveys published by Karel Shkorpil in 1905, today, it is suggested that a road from Montana headed east towards Chomakovtsi on the Oescus/Iskar and continued south-east towards Melta/Lovech (Shkorpil 1905, pp. 530–531; Grigorov 2011, p. 130, Panaite 2019, p. 50).
Montana was connected to Serdica via Berkovitsa and the Petrohan mountain pass. Neglected by the late antique itineraries, the significance the Romans attached to the pass can be derived from an early construction date of the road leading to it. A building inscription found south of the Haemus in Buchin Prohod, dated 61 AD, shows that the road was built 15 years after the establishment of the provinces of Thrace and Moesia (AE 1912,193; Sharankov 2011, p. 145). In the absence of antique distance details, a premodern Austrian travel report from the late summer of 1875 indicates that the route between Serdica/Sofia and Berkovitsa could be travelled by coach in three days (Toula 1876). From Serdica, the via diagonalis provided a connection to Philippopolis via the Trajan’s Gate Mountain Pass. At the transport hub of Philippopolis/Plovdiv in the Upper Thracian Plain, the navigable Hebros/Maritza provided transhipment to the Aegean Sea and Roman roads through the Rhodope Mountains linked it with the via Egnatia (Madzharov 1988; Peter 2005).
Three marble altars with votive inscriptions naming the donors as beneficiarii consularis all dated to the mid-second century AD were found in or near the Apollo-Diana sanctuary of Montana, attesting to a nearby statio of detached military personnel (Schallmayer et al. 1990, pp. 495–499; Matei-Popescu 2010, pp. 27–28). These posts were often positioned on the frontier, in important towns, or along major military roads, usually in the surroundings of a fort (Rankov 1987, p. 252; Dise 1997, p. 294). In the case of Montana, however, evidence of gold and silver mining along the Augusta/Ogosta and Zlatitsa rivers as well as the inscriptions made it feasible that the town was the administrative centre of a mining district (Rankov 1983, p. 45; Hirt 2010, p. 70; Cenati, forthcoming).
An inscription, found in Eumeneia in Phrygia dated to 134 AD names Montana as the former praesidium of the partly mounted cohors I Claudia Sugambrorum (AE 1927, 95). In the early second century AD, it was one of only three auxiliary units stationed in the hinterland of the two Moesian provinces. One is stationed at Tomi, while the third cohort is stationed in the mining district in Timacum Minus. Presumably, the purpose of the military personnel stationed in Montana was a “peacekeeping mission”—to protect the mountain passes, the roads, the gold and silver mines in the area and the transportation of the precious metals (Rankov 1983, pp. 42–46). Tasks in which cavalry excels.
Until the Dacian Wars of Emperor Trajan, the Danube formed the north-eastern border of the Roman Empire. Parallel to it, since Domitian times, the military forts and fortresses along the southern bank were connected along one of the main logistic and strategic thoroughfares. A junction from Axiopolis on the Danube led to Tomis on the Black Sea coast. The harbour of Tomis became strategically and economically important for the grain trade and the supply of the lower Danube limes, as well as for the transhipment of goods coming by road from the Danube (Mitthof and Strobel 2019, p. 420). Near the military settlements, urbanity flourished. The veteran colonies of Oescus and Ratiaria were founded in 107 AD (Velkov 1981, pp. 476–477). During the reign of Marcus Aurelius’ Singidunum, Naissus and Durostorum became municipia, and in 170 AD, the same rights were granted to Tropaeum Traiani, Troesmis and Montana (Manov and Markov 2016; Mitthof and Strobel 2019, p. 417).
In the course of the third century crisis, the city was not left unscathed, as building inscriptions from Montana, dated between 256 and 258 AD, attest to the reconstruction of the fortifications (CIL III 7450; CIL III 12376; Schwarcz 1992, p. 49). After the retreat from the Transdanubian provinces and the reinstitution of the Danube limes, Montana gained significant strategic and economic importance. A study of the road infrastructure in late antiquity and early Byzantine period elaborated that Montana was a major traffic junction and surrounded by a dense network of fortresses (Wendel 2005, p. 45).
In sum, it can be stated, that albeit the lack of written and archaeological sources for the significance of Montana as a transport hub in the Roman Imperial period, the implications from the military and mining activities, as well as the topographic peculiarities especially regarding the mountain passes, the city was well connected by the mid-second century AD. As the Berkovitsa quarries are about 20 km away, the quarries were linked to a well-developed road network from which local, regional and empire-wide markets could be supplied with Berkovitsa white marble. However, more data is needed to determine the scope, scale and chronology of the marble exploitation at Berkovitsa. By using remote sensing, at least three new areas of geological interest in the micro-region could be determined through the comparison of satellite images with historical and geological maps. Future fieldwork is needed to ascertain their nature.
Conclusions
The demands of urbanization and the monumentalization of the provinces required the opening of new quarries or the expansion of existing ones (Long 2017). Euergetism of local elites, their investment in public buildings and their execution in marble can be seen as a “deliberate strategy of social spending” (Maschek 2016). By hiring and paying workers over months and years, whether in the quarries or at the construction site, the investment strengthened the socio-economic ties of the local community. Marble can be seen as just one chip in the wider process of ancient urbanization. By using marble as a proxy, an interpretative model of economic history can be carved out (cf. Maschek 2020, p. 57).
In Bulgaria, many of the identified white marble sources were located close to Roman urban centres. By exemplifying the exploitation and exportation of marble from Berkovitsa, this paper gives new insight into the marble trade in Thrace. The deposits offered high-quality materials that could be used for a wide range of artefacts. Focusing on export, it has yet to be determined how far the distribution network spread. Attesting the local use in Montana, it is tempting to speculate whether the Berkovitsa quarries were administered by the city. While Berkovitsa was used extensively in Montana’s Apollo and Diana sanctuary, the urbanization of Philippopolis was fuelled by the quarries in the Chernatitsa mountain range southwest of Asenovgrad. Unsurprisingly, this picture becomes even clearer regarding other sources of building stone in the Roman Thrace within its shifting provincial borders (Petrova and Ivanov 2008). However, regional and long-distance marble commerce (e.g., Prokonnesos and Dokimeion) can be confirmed based on the above preliminary outcomes from Pautalia, Augusta Traiana, and Philippopolis.
For now, with finding spots of Berkovitsa marble in Nicopolis ad Istrum, Serdica, Philippopolis and Felix Romuliana, the distribution pattern is simple. Considering road transport as the method of transport to the west and the south, mountain passes had to be crossed. For Nicopolis ad Istrum, a combined road–river transport is imageable. However, as the sampled artefacts are three votive plates, one cannot make assumptions about the transport method. Whether the plates arrived in a block, pre-cut in plates, roughed out or almost finished is speculation.
As the transprovincial trade in the Imperial period has been established, further insight into the dimensions of marble trade could be obtained through international studies conducted in the modern neighbouring countries. This would enhance comprehension of the distribution networks of the quarries and the marble economy.
Forthcoming work will further investigate the production and export of materials from the stone sources to rural sites and urban networks, by sampling artefacts from archaeological sites and museums, as well as geological samples from Bulgarian quarries. Presently, the analytical data from the geological samples of the white marble quarries from the areas of Asenovgrad, Topolovgrad and Malko Tarnovo are being added to the existing database and thus made available for future provenance analysis. Upon completion of the project, all of the collected data will be made open access in an online database hosted by the Austrian Academy of Sciences.
Data availability
All relevant data are within the manuscript. All archaeological samples are stored in the archaeological depot of the Austrian Archaeological Institute (Vienna) and are available for scientific re-evaluation on request.
Code availability
Not applicable.
Change history
29 January 2024
A Correction to this paper has been published: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-024-01940-7
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Acknowledgements
All samples were taken and exported with the permission of the Ministry of Culture of Bulgaria under the supervision of the National Archaeological Institute with the Museum of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences (NAIM-BAS). We are grateful for the cooperation and support of our colleagues at NAIM-BAS, especially the director Dr Hristo Popov. We would like to thank Ms Wioletta Tenczar and Dr Murat Dirican for their assistance with the sample preparation and laboratory work, and Ms Barbara Umfahrer for the database organisation. Sincere thanks to Dr Kalina Petkova, NAIM-BAS and Ms Marina Kalchishkova, Sofia University St Kliment Ohridski, for their help and support in the procurement of literature. We wish to thank Dr Paula Gheorghiade, postdoctoral researcher at ANEE, University of Helsinki, for proofreading and editing the English text. We would especially like to thank Mr Iliyan Ivanov from the Berkovitsa Municipality for providing the quarry photos, despite the extreme weather conditions. The comments of two anonymous reviewers are very much appreciated.
Funding
Open access funding provided by Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften The project was funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) as the stand-alone project p33042. BF is a recipient of the DOC Fellowship of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. The sampling campaigns were supported by the NAIM-BAS.
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All authors contributed to the study’s conception and design. The topic of Urbanization was studied and written by PA, the written sources by CC, the archaeometric part by VA and WP (Geology, Methodology, Berkovitsa) and the trading routes by BF. Material sampling, cataloguing, and photographing were conducted by VA, WP, PA and BF. The preparation of the samples, data collection, and archaeometric analysis were performed by VA and WP. The maps were prepared by BF. The conclusions were written by PA, VA and BF. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.
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Andreeva, P., Anevlavi, V., Frerix, B. et al. A contribution to the urbanization and marble supply of Roman Thrace: an interdisciplinary study. Archaeol Anthropol Sci 16, 23 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-023-01920-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12520-023-01920-3