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On the tendency of revolutions to devour their own children

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Like Saturn, the Revolution devours its own children.

Jacques Mallet du Pan (1793, p. 80).

Abstract

Genuine revolutions often use violence not only against their enemies but also against their friends. This paper argues that using violence against the proponents of a revolution functions as a way to boost collective action. A weakest-link punishment against the revolutionaries contributing the least to the revolutionary cause can be a way to solve Tullock’s paradox of revolutions. Further implications are developed. First, we show that those benefiting the most from the revolution and facing the lowest cost of punishing will self-select into the group using punishment to boost contributions to the revolutionary cause. Second, we explain that weakest-link punishment can be over-provided when its provision is decentralized, in which case centralizing punishment may be an efficient response. We use the French Revolution as a case study to illustrate our theory. While the proximate cause of the Terror during the French Revolution was to avoid free-riding, its underlying cause may not have been the “blank-slate” mindset of the revolutionaries but the reactionary and inflexible nature of the Ancien Régime’s institutions.

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Notes

  1. Cited in Tackett (2015, p. 2).

  2. “Certainly, the French Revolution of 1830 does not rank as one of the “great” revolutions of modern times” (Popkin, 2010, p. 4).

  3. Even for non-violent social movements such as in pre-independence India, penalties are crucial to maintaining collective action (Bhavnani & Jha, 2014). This, of course, is not the only reason violence by revolutionaries against revolutionaries might be used. The power struggle between revolutionaries is another potential reason. For instance, Boulant (1990) distinguishes between five types of “suspects” during the Terror of Year II (1793–1794) in revolutionary France: the royalist, the violent, the “bloodsucker of the people,” the factious, the indifferent.

  4. For a comprehensive review of numerous “solutions” to Tullock’s paradox, see: Lichbach (1998).

  5. The public choice scholarship on the French Revolution includes Ekelund and Thornton (2020), Vahabi et al. (2020), and Rouanet (2022).

  6. This is not to say that ideology does not play a role during revolutions. If that were true, revolutionaries would not invest resources to promote a particular ideology, which they obviously did. While Acemoglu and Robinson (2000) argue that the threat of revolution, not ideology, explains the extension of the franchise in the West, Grijalva (2023) develops a model in which intellectual entrepreneurs are key in developing a credible revolutionary threat. In this paper, we only argue that references to ideology do not provide a convincing explanation for intra-revolutionary violence.

  7. Those who did not condemn Louis XVI to death still found him guilty and usually voted for banishment or prison for life.

  8. Writing to Karl Marx in September 1870, Friedrich Engels gave a similar psychological explanation for the Terror. “Terror consists mostly of useless cruelties perpetrated by frightened people in order to reassure themselves. I am convinced that the blame for the Reign of Terror in 1793 lies almost exclusively with the over-nervous bourgeois, demeaning himself as a patriot, the small petty bourgeois beside themselves with fright and the mob of riff-raff who know how to profit from the terror.” Cited in: Higonnet (1986). As for Le Bon (1920), he applied his psychological approach to the French Revolution, considering the importance of crowds and their irrational behavior.

  9. In the same way that traditions and social norms can help sustain self-governance (See: Leeson 2009, 2010, 2011, 2013, 2014; Leeson and Suarez 2015), they can also help sustain state governance.

  10. On the attempt to stop the Revolution and re-establish the status-quo in June-July 1789, see: Caron (1906).

  11. Cited in: Tackett (2015, p. 62).

  12. Similarly, Geloso and Kufenko (2019) find that markets tended to foster rebellions in 19th Century Canada as they lowered collective action costs.

  13. Cited in: Taine (1885, p. 1104).

  14. Without this condition, starting from a situation where all players provide the same amount of effort, any particular individual can increase his welfare by unilaterally increasing his level of effort \(e_\ell \) by an arbitrarily small amount. Yet if everyone is increasing \(e_\ell \) when \(P=V(\gamma /N)-V(e_\ell )\), then any player would suddenly prefer providing \(e_\ell =\gamma /N\). Yet with everyone providing \(e_\ell =\gamma /N\) level of effort, players can increase their welfare by increasing their level of effort. Hence no symmetric equilibrium exists without the condition mentioned above.

  15. \(\frac{4N^2}{N-1}\) is a large number. For instance, if the weakest-link punishment was organized by giving every player \(P^*\) except for the weakest link, then —assuming away administration costs—\(c=(N-1)\), which is smaller than \(\frac{4N^2}{N-1}\) for any \(N\ge 2\).

  16. The threat of punishment by radical revolutionaries faced by “moderates” was not exclusive to the French Revolution. During the 1905 Russian Revolution, for instance, Sergei Witte tried to form a cabinet composed of liberal members following the October manifesto establishing a Constitution in Tsarist Russia. Yet most of those Witte approached refused, fearing violence and social ostracism by the more radical revolutionaries who did not want to compromise with the regime (Pipes, 1991).

  17. Cited in: Palmer (1941, p. 129). “Patriot” was usually synonymous with revolutionary.

  18. Not allowing for two different punishments on the weakest-links of both the high and low \(\gamma \) groups does not change our results in any significant way other than weakest-link punishment will be less effective at boosting revolutionary effort. As will be mentioned, some members of the vanguard during the French Revolution were executed for not showing enough revolutionary fervor. This gives credence to the idea that punishment will be administrated deferentially across types.

  19. We show our steps in more details for the two following equations in “Appendix 1”.

  20. This is using Iverson bracket notation.

  21. In this case there would be only one group and therefore only one weakest-link punishment.

  22. This type of free-riding when utility takes a quasi-linear form is well-known. See, for instance: Varian (1994). While we assume that there are two different punishments administered for those with high and low \(\gamma \), this is not essential to our theory. In the case agents cannot distinguish between types of revolutionaries, the equilibrium weakest-link punishment will be equal to \(P=(\frac{N^l}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l})^2\) as long as \(\gamma ^h\) is large enough relative to \(\gamma ^l\) and equal to \(P=(\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l})^2\) otherwise. This is because when \(\frac{\gamma ^l}{N}+2{P}^{0.5}<\frac{\gamma ^h}{N}\), a small increase in \(P\) would not induce the individuals with \(\gamma ^h\) to increase their effort as they would face no risk of becoming the weakest-link. With this setup, a local maximum may not be a global maximum, although with a large enough population \(N\), \(P=(\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l})^2\) will always be the equilibrium solution.

  23. More specifically, whenever \(\frac{N^h-1}{N^h}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l}>\frac{\gamma ^k}{c^d}\) \(\forall k\ne h\) and \(\forall d\ne l\). We assume that this condition holds in the rest of the paper. On the other hand, \(p^l_\ell \) is always administered by the group with the highest benefit-to-cost ratio.

  24. As Hippolyte Taine (1885, p. 843) argued in the context of the French Revolution “Aside from the great mass of well-disposed people fond of a quiet life, the Revolution has sifted out and separated from the rest all who are fanatical, brutal or perverse enough to have lost respect for others; these form the new garrison-sectarians blinded by their creed, the roughs (assommeurs) who are hardened by their calling, and those who make all they can out of their offices. None of this class are scrupulous concerning human life or property.”

  25. “Herault was a skeptic, an ironist, a scoffer, easygoing, amiable. There is surely a place in the world for Heraults, but not by the side of Robespierres, and probably not in revolutions at all.” (Palmer, 1941, p. 201).

  26. The value of the term \((\frac{{N^h}^2- N^h+{N^l}^2}{(N-1)N})\) in Eq. 13 will usually be close to 1 because the number of fervent revolutionaries (those with \(\gamma ^h\)) are usually a small proportion of the overall population. Take the optimistic case where they represent 5% of a population equal to one thousand—i.e. \(N=1,000\), \(N^h=50\), and \(N^l=950\). Then the term in question is equal to 0.906.

  27. For instance, when utility does not take the quasi-linear form adopted in the previous subsection, the members of the group with the highest benefits-to-cost ratio (\(\gamma ^h/c^l\)) may not be the only ones producing the weakest-link punishment. Our goal in the previous section, however, was to show the selection mechanism for the administrator of this type of punishment.

  28. Following a petition addressed on September 13, 1793, the Paris Commune decreed that “the citizen who do not wear the venerable sign of liberty” could no longer enter public buildings and gardens. On September 21, the National Convention went further and decreed that the first time a woman would be found without a cockade, she would be punished with eight days’ imprisonment; the second time, she would be looked upon as suspect and locked up until the peace; any woman who snatched another’s cockade would be punished with ten years imprisonment (Caron, 11910, p. 94).

  29. On the role the sections played in revolutionary politics, see: Rouanet (2022).

  30. Sections were districts in Paris with their own assembly and sessions. They had their own “revolutionary” and “surveillance” committees, partook in the organization of public protests, monitored the opposition to the revolutionary government, etc.

  31. The insurrection of August 10, 1792, led to the abolition of the monarchy as revolutionaries stormed the Tuileries palace.

  32. Capet here refers to King Louis XVI as a descendent of the Capetian Dynasty.

  33. The insurrection of May 31 to June 2, 1793, started when the Paris Commune demanded that the Girondin deputies be brought in front of the Revolutionary Tribunal.

  34. “It has become evident of course that each of the great political journées, though its exact result might rarely be foreseen, was the outcome of considerable preparations, often carried out in full view of the authorities of the day [...].” (Rudé, 1959, p. 228). Palmer (1941, p. 43) mentions how, in an attempt to pressure the Convention, “On September 4 [1793], Hébertist organizers made the rounds of the workshops, forcing workmen to quit, gathering the forces of rebellion.” [emphasis added].

  35. Journal des hommes libres de tous les pays, ou le Républicain, January 14, 1794, no 25.

  36. Journal des débats et de la correspondance de la société des amis de la constitution, no 245, August 8, 1792.

  37. Journal des débats et de la correspondance de la société des amis de la constitution, no 236, July 24, 1792.

  38. Another member explained how ostracism was used: “I have broken the closest ties of tender friendship with old friends who unfortunately took a side in this Revolution contrary to my patriotic feelings.” (Tackett, 2018, p. 23).

  39. For instance, on January 7, 1794, the secret police reports that in Paris “The fear of passing for Feuillant or moderate has already won over several subscribers to Le Vieux Cordelier; a large number are struck off the list and are content to buy the newspaper from peddlers.” (Caron, 1914, p. 222).

  40. Archives Parlementaires, v.76, p. 313–317.

  41. Archives Parlementaires, v. 9, p. 63, March 10, 1793.

  42. For instance, Robespierre would have preferred that the Girondist leaders be imprisoned instead or simply expelled from the assembly instead of killed. Yet, under the pressure of the Paris Commune, Jacobin leaders, including Robespierre, agreed to the death sentence pronounced by the revolutionary tribunal (Tackett, 2015).

  43. Feuille du salut public, December 30, 1793, no140, p. 3.

  44. As Palmer (1941) puts it, “[T]he very success of the Committee undermined it. The retreat of the Allies strengthened the argument of those who thought the Terror could be dispensed with. Others, who had no intention of ending the Terror, felt it safe to bring their quarrels into the open as the military menace receded.”

  45. See for instance Gregory et al. (2011) on the Moscow trials.

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Mathematical appendix

Mathematical appendix

This appendix reproduces the results in Sect. 3.3 in greater detail. Starting with Eq. 10, we have:

$$\begin{aligned} \upsilon ^{kd}(e_\ell ) = \frac{\gamma ^k}{N}\bigg [e_\ell + \sum _{\ell \ne i}e^h_i(P^h_i) +\sum _{\ell \ne j}e^l_j(P^l_j)\bigg ]- \frac{e_\ell ^2}{2} - c^d p_\ell - \frac{P^k_\ell }{N^k_{min}} \end{aligned}$$
(14)

Using 9 according to which \(e^k_\ell =\frac{\gamma ^k}{N}+2 {P^k_\ell }^{0.5}\), individuals in the group putting a high value on the Revolution (\(\gamma ^h\)) and having a low cost of punishment (\(c^l\)) have the following utility:

$$\begin{aligned} \upsilon ^{hl}(e_\ell ) = \frac{\gamma ^h}{N}\bigg [e_\ell + (N^h-1)\big [\frac{\gamma ^h}{N}+2 {P^h_\ell }^{0.5}\big ] +N^l\big [\frac{\gamma ^l}{N}+2 {P^l_\ell }^{0.5}\big ]\bigg ]- \frac{e_\ell ^2}{2} - c^l p_\ell - \frac{P^h_\ell }{N^h_{min}} \end{aligned}$$
(15)

Keeping in mind that \(P^h_{\ell } = \sum _{s\ne \ell }p^h_{i}\) and \(p_\ell = p^h_\ell + p^l_\ell \) in the equation above, the solution to the unconstrained maximization problem with respect to \(p_\ell ^h\) is:

$$\begin{aligned} \frac{\partial \upsilon ^{hl}}{\partial p^h_\ell }=0=\frac{\gamma ^h}{N}(N^h-1){P^h_\ell }^{-0.5}-c^l \end{aligned}$$
$$\begin{aligned} p^h_\ell =\bigg (\frac{(N^h-1)}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l}\bigg )^2 -\sum _{s\ne \ell } p^h_s \end{aligned}$$
(16)

Equation 16 holds only when \((\frac{(N^h-1)}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l})^2 > \sum _{s\ne \ell } p^h_s\), otherwise we have a corner solution and \(p^h_\ell =0\). Similarly:

$$\begin{aligned} \frac{\partial \upsilon ^{hl}}{\partial p^l_\ell }=0=\frac{\gamma ^h}{N}N^l{P^l_\ell }^{-0.5}-c^l \end{aligned}$$
$$\begin{aligned} p^l_\ell =\bigg (\frac{N^l}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l}\bigg )^2 -\sum _{s\ne \ell } p^l_s \end{aligned}$$
(17)

Equation 16 holds only when \((\frac{N^l}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^l})^2 > \sum _{s\ne \ell } p^l_s\), otherwise we have a corner solution and \(p^l_\ell =0\).

The same mathematical steps apply to the three other groups. The levels of punishment for members of the group with a high value given to the Revolution (\(\gamma ^h\)) and having a high cost of punishment (\(c^h\)) are:

$$\begin{aligned} p^h_\ell =\bigg (\frac{(N^h-1)}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^h}\bigg )^2 -\sum _{s\ne \ell } p^h_s \end{aligned}$$
(18)
$$\begin{aligned} p^l_\ell =\bigg (\frac{N^l}{N}\frac{\gamma ^h}{c^h}\bigg )^2 -\sum _{s\ne \ell } p^l_s \end{aligned}$$
(19)

The levels of punishment for those giving a low value to the Revolution (\(\gamma ^h\)) are:

$$\begin{aligned} p^h_\ell =\bigg (\frac{N^h}{N}\frac{\gamma ^l}{c^d}\bigg )^2 -\sum _{s\ne \ell } p^h_s \end{aligned}$$
(20)
$$\begin{aligned} p^l_\ell =\bigg (\frac{(N^l-1)}{N}\frac{\gamma ^l}{c^d}\bigg )^2 -\sum _{s\ne \ell } p^l_s \end{aligned}$$
(21)

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Rouanet, L. On the tendency of revolutions to devour their own children. Public Choice (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-023-01130-4

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