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Anti-mafia policies and public goods in Italy

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Abstract

This paper aims to evaluate the impact of a policy that targets criminal infiltration in local governments on the provision of local public goods in Italian municipalities. Building on the theoretical framework proposed by Dal Bò (American Political Science Review 100:41–53, 2006), we use a sufficient statistic approach to describe the dynamic behaviour of local public goods when stricter law enforcement weakens criminal pressure groups. Utilizing data on the local public finances of Italian municipalities spanning from 2004 to 2015, our findings reveal that, after the dismissal of infiltrated governments, the targeted municipalities devote a larger share of resources to public goods, with an estimated increase of approximately 3.9 percentage points. Notably, this effect seems to be driven by an increase in investment of approximately 3 percentage points. Overall, our results suggest that policies targeting the problem of criminal infiltration in local governments can improve socioeconomic conditions and the well-being of local communities, by increasing investments in economically and socially relevant public goods.

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Fig. 1

Source: our elaboration based on data provided by the Italian Ministry of the Interior

Fig. 2

Notes: In this example, the treatment period ranges from 2007 to 2013 (AP=1). The dismissal occurred in 2007, followed by two years of commissioner administration and five years of the newly elected city council’s term

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Notes

  1. According to Pinotti (2015), the aggregate loss implied by the presence of organized crime in two Italian regions, Apulia and Basilicata, amounts to 16% of GDP per capita.

  2. The policy, introduced in 1991, establishes that, when there is concrete, unequivocal and relevant evidence of links between members of organized crime and local administrators, the municipal council will be dismissed and three external commissioners will take over the administration of the municipality for a period of up to 24 months. Afterwards, new elections will be held. A more detailed description of this procedure is presented in Sect. 4. From 1991 to July 2021, 350 dismissal orders were issued, 316 of which involved municipalities in Calabria, Campania or Sicily.

  3. Through the conditioning of politics, criminal organizations gain opportunities for the management of local resources and carve out a privileged position in the public procurement process, obtaining contracts and building concessions (Caneppele et al., 2009).

  4. By assumption, \(\phi (.)\) and \(\psi (.)\) are both twice continuously differentiable, and the initial marginal cost of using bribes or punishment is 0. Moreover, \(\phi (0)=0\), \(\phi '(0)=0\), \(\phi '>0\), \(\phi ''>0\), \(\psi (0)=0\), \(\psi '(0)=0\), \(\psi '>0\), and \(\psi ''>0\).

  5. See Appendix A for an analytic solution of the maximization problem when an active group uses both bribes and punishment (\(b*>0;p*>0)\), and the total amount of pressure is such that (\(b^{*}+p^{*}=c\)).

  6. To prove this statement, we start by defining Eq. 1 as \(max_{p}\prod (b(p),p)=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p)\). Then, the first-order condition is \(\gamma \beta \phi '(c-p)-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '(p)=0\). Hence, by specifying p as a function of \(\rho\) and by differentiating it with respect to \(\rho\), we obtain \(\gamma \beta \phi '[c-p^{*}(\rho )]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '[p^{*}(\rho )]=0\). Finally, applying the first derivative of punishment p with respect to \(\rho\), after some calculations, we show that \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }=-\frac{(1-\gamma )\psi '[p^{*}(\rho )]}{\gamma \beta \phi ''[c-p^{*}(\rho )]+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\rho )]}<0\). Furthermore, since \(b^{*}=c-p^{*}\), \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }<0\) implies \(\frac{db^{*}}{d\rho }>0\).

  7. Formally, following the model outline, when \(V_t\) increases, more productive officials will apply and be elected. In turn, these officials will provide more public goods in the next period.

  8. To demonstrate this point, consider that \({\widetilde{\pi }}=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi (p^{*})+\beta \phi (c-p^{*})\) and take \(p^{*}\) as a function of \(\beta\) and \(\rho\). In this case, \(\frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\beta }=\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})+\phi (c-p^{*})=\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\underbrace{\left[ \frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})\right] }_{\text {=0 from f.o.c.}}+\phi (c-p^{*})=\phi (c-p^{*})>0\) and \(\Rightarrow \frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\beta }>0\). Furthermore,\(\frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\rho }=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\psi (p^{*})+\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\psi (p^{*})+\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\underbrace{\left[ \frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})\right] }_{\text {=0 from f.o.c.}}=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\psi (p^{*})>0\), \(\Rightarrow \frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\rho }>0\)

  9. To this aim, three main hypotheses are required (Kleven, 2021) The first assumption is that the policy change being analysed is small enough for the first-order approximations to be precise. The second assumption is that government policy is the only thing that stands between the actual equilibrium and the first-best equilibrium. That is, there are no externalities that would be affected by behavioural responses to policy reforms. Finally, a third set of assumptions restricts the decision environment (including aspects such as dynamics, uncertainty, policy instruments) and preferences (including aspects such as separability or quasi-linearity).

  10. Indeed, the potential outcome when the pressure group is inactive depends only on the growth dynamic of the public goods, whereas the potential outcome when the pressure group is active will also be affected by the threat of punishment.

  11. Anecdotal evidence may clarify this statement, showing how the threat of punishment may increase the probability of having a new anti-mafia policy. For example, the prefect’s report on the dismissal of the municipality of Monte Sant’Angelo explains how the need to start investigations was triggered by criminal episodes such as damage and forms of intimidation against municipal administrators (Prefettura di Foggia, 2015) In the municipality of Bagnara Calabra, dismissed in 2015, the report mentions that the municipality was characterized by “a surge in criminal activities, including car arson attacks, robberies, damage caused by explosions and gunshots [...] that has triggered significant social concern within the small community” (Prefettura di Reggio Calabria, 2015).

  12. Indeed, the theoretical model predicts the presence of multiple equilibria and shows that municipalities infiltrated by the mafia may find themselves trapped in an unfavourable equilibrium characterized by deficient provision and substandard quality of public goods. This aligns with the existing body of literature, such as the study by Di Cataldo and Mastrorocco (2022), which provides evidence that local governments infiltrated by the mafia tend to allocate a greater portion of resources to sectors considered strategic by mafia groups.

  13. Sequential conditional exchangeability imposes selection on observables and rules out the existence of unobserved confounding factors. In Sect. 6.1.3 of the empirical analysis we relax this assumption to allow for municipality-specific unobserved heterogeneity.

  14. Standard inverse-probability-weights have 1 as their numerator and tend to be highly variable. The stabilized version is preferable due to its smaller variance.

  15. In municipalities, for years in which AP=0, we derive the probability of the observed treatment (i.e., the probability of not being treated) by subtracting the estimated probability of treatment from 1. We then derive the probability of each municipality-year’s observed sequence of treatments, up to time t, given their covariate history, by multiplying the estimated probabilities of their observed treatment during each year cumulatively over time.

  16. Art. 141 of the Consolidated Law on the Organization of Local Authorities (Testo Unico degli Enti Locali TUEL) distinguishes three cases leading to dismissal: (a) when there are violations of the Constitution, persistent violation of the law, serious threats to public order; (b) when the normal functioning of governmental decisions and services cannot be ensured due to (1) permanent impediment, removal, withdrawal or death of the mayor; (2) resignation of the mayor; (3) concurrent resignation of more than half of the members assigned; (4) reduction of the assembly body due to the impossibility of substitution to half the members of the Board; or (c) when the budget is not approved on time.

  17. Within three months, the commission completes its investigations and makes a report to the Prefect.

  18. Table 7 (Appendix B) provides a comprehensive account of the specific functions and corresponding expenditure items reported in the balance sheets.

  19. We also replicate the estimates on a subsample of Southern Italian regions. By focusing the scope of analysis to municipalities in Southern Italy, we address the problem of comparability between balance sheets. Indeed, municipalities in Northern Italy tend to outsource more services, such as waste management, leading to the exclusion of these expenses from the municipalities’ budgets (Chiades et al., 2022) Conversely, Southern Italian municipalities may appear to spend more on such services, as they utilize outsourcing to a much lesser extent. This may represent a concern for our analysis, since most municipalities facing dismissals are concentrated in Southern Italy (as shown in Fig. 1). Results, presented in Table 10 Appendix C, confirm our main findings.

  20. The share of capital expenditure is computed as capital expenditure for public goods over total capital expenditure, whereas the consumption expenditure share is calculated as current expenditure on public goods over total current expenditure.

  21. One concern with the reported estimates is that the increase in the share of spending on public goods depends more on the reduction in the level of total public spending than on the increase in the level of public goods. To inspect this issue, we report in Table 8 (Appendix B) the average level of total per-capita spending of local governments dismissed for mafia infiltration and show that there are no relevant differences in the level of total public spending before and after the policy change. This outcome is also confirmed by t-tests on differences in average total per-capita spending (see Table 9).

  22. State-appointed commissioners often resort to using financial resources from various institutions (European, national or regional) to set up extraordinary measures to improve public services. Between 2010 and 2014, for example, such projects concerned the improvement of school buildings, social assistance, sports and the rehabilitation of urban spaces ( Ministero dell’Interno, 2015).

  23. Specifically, the authors show that two-way fixed effects can be expressed as a matching estimator, where the estimate of the treatment effect is obtained by comparing the average outcome for treated and untreated units that are matched on observed covariates.

  24. If too few lags are selected, there is a risk of residual confounding, as the treatment assignment may be correlated with unobserved factors that influence the current and previous time periods’ outcomes. Conversely, choosing too many lags may lead to over-adjustment, reducing the efficiency of the estimates by limiting the number of potential matches. Therefore, it is crucial to select an appropriate number of lags based on the potential confounding effect of past treatment on the current outcome and treatment variables and to check for the sensitivity of the results to different lag structures.

  25. This set comprises various additional covariates, such as the average expenditure for public goods in neighbouring municipalities, the share of female politicians and the average education level of local politicians, the per-capita number of mafia-confiscated assets, the average cost overruns in public works, the share of non-open public procurement procedures, and the share of procedures with discretionary awarding criteria.

  26. The sample of consecutively treated municipalities is made up of 13 municipalities: Africo, Arzano, Bova Marina, Briatico, Careri, Marina di Gioiosa Ionica, Nardodipace, Nicotera, Platì Roccaforte del Greco, San Ferdinando, Siderno and Taurianova. The list of dismissal decrees is available upon request.

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Correspondence to Stefania Fontana or Giorgio d’Agostino.

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Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

We are grateful to Pete Leeson, Editor of Public Choice, Ennio E. Piano, Associate Editor, and to the anonymous referees for their careful reading and helpful comments. We are also thankful to John Paul Dunne, Francesco Giuli, Mara Giua, the participants of the 2022 European Public Choice Society Annual Meeting, the 62nd Annual Conference of the Italian Economic Association, and the 2022 Workshop on The Political Economy of Municipal Fiscal Policy, for their constructive feedback. This research did not receive any specific grant from funding agencies in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors. The authors have no conflicts of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article.

Appendices

Appendix A: Mathematical appendix

The model has two stages. In the first stage, citizens with different abilities choose whether to run for office in the public sector or work in the private sector, depending on the payoff they expect from each. In the second stage, a pressure group tries to influence politicians to obtain a given resource.

1.1 A.1 First stage

1.1.1 A.1.1 Comparison of private and public sector payoffs

Each citizen chooses whether to enter the public office by comparing the wage they can earn in the private sector and the expected payoff of the public sector. Private sector wage reflects individual ability \(a_i \epsilon [0,\infty )\). The public sector wage is w. Denote V as the expected payoff of the public sector. Without pressure groups, \(V=w\).

1.1.2 A.1.2 Quality of politicians without the pressure group

all citizens of type \(a \leqslant w\) will run for office (they can earn as much or more in the public sector than they would in the private sector). By assumption, those of type \(a=w\) will be elected.

1.2 A.2 Second stage: interaction between the pressure group and politicians

1.2.1 A.2.1 Instruments of political pressure

The pressure group has two tools to influence policy choices: bribes b and punishment p. The cost of delivering a bribe is \(\beta \phi (b)\); the cost of delivering a punishment is \(\rho \psi (p)\). \(\beta >0\) and \(\rho >0\) are exogenous parameters representing institutional and technological factors that affect the cost of delivering a bribe or a punishment. By assumption, \(\phi (.)\) and \(\psi (.)\) are both twice continuously differentiable, and the marginal cost of starting to use these tools is 0.

$$\begin{aligned} \phi (0)=0\qquad \phi '(0)=0\qquad \phi '>0\qquad \phi ''>0 \end{aligned}$$
$$\begin{aligned} \psi (0)=0\qquad \psi '(0)=0\qquad \psi '>0\qquad \psi ''>0 \end{aligned}$$

1.2.2 A.2.2 Profit maximization of the pressure group

The pressure group chooses \(b^{*}\) and \(p^{*}\) to solve the following maximization problem:

$$\begin{aligned} Max_{b,p}\left\{ \prod (b,p)=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (b)-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p)\right\} \end{aligned}$$

under the constraint \(b\ge c-p\), where \(\pi\) is the amount of resources subject to political discretion; \(\gamma\) is the probability that the policymaker will accept the bribe; \((1-\gamma )\) is the probability that it is impossible for the policymaker to accept the bribe and that he/she has no other choice than refuse it and receive the punishment.

The maximization is constrained in that the politician will accept the bribe as long as it provides him with a payoff greater than or equal to the payoff he would have had by refusing it:

\(w+b-c\ge w-p\)

\(b\ge c-p\)

where c is the cost for the politician to get involved in a corruption deal.

Once the optimal values \(b^{*}\) and \(p^{*}\) have been identified, there will be two possible cases:

\(\prod (b^{*},p^{*})\ge 0\quad \): the profit the group can make is non-negative and the group decides to bribe because the expected profit covers the expected costs.

\(\prod (b^{*},p^{*})<0\quad \): the profit the group can make is negative and the group decides not to bribe because the expected profit does not cover the expected costs.

Given the parameters \(\gamma ,\beta ,\rho\), we denote as \({\widetilde{\pi }}(\gamma ,\beta ,\rho )\) the number of resources such that \(\prod (b*,p*)=0\). Below this threshold, the group remains inactive and decides not to bribe. \({{\widetilde{\pi }}}\) is interpreted as an inverse measure of the level of state capture. It denotes the size of the set of possible values of \({\pi }\) for which the group does not engage in influence activities. The smaller this set, the higher the level of state capture, and vice versa.

1.2.3 A.2.3 Results with bribes only

Lemma 1a

An active group offers a bribe equal to the cost the corrupt action has for the official \(b^\circ =c\).

Given, \(p=0\) the only means of political influence is the bribe. The pressure group chooses optimal \(b^\circ\) which solves:

\(Max_{b}\left\{ \prod (b,0)=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (b)]\right\}\)

s.t. \(b\ge c\)

Since all bargaining power lies with the pressure group, there is no reason why \(b>c\) should be offered. For the politician to accept the bribe, it is enough that it covers the cost of c, so an active group will choose an optimal bribe \(b^\circ =c\).

Lemma 1b

The group only becomes active if \(\pi\) is larger than the cost of the bribe \(({\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ \equiv \beta \phi (b^\circ )=\beta \phi (c))\).

The pressure group will be active if the expected profit makes it possible to cover the expected cost: \(\prod (b^\circ ,0)\ge 0\), or equivalently \(\pi \ge \beta \phi (b^\circ )\).

Given, \(\prod (b^\circ ,0)=0\) we find the threshold value for \(\pi\): \({\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ \equiv \beta \phi (b^\circ )=\beta \phi (c)\).

Lemma 2

In a world with bribes and no punishment, the quality of politicians is w, regardless of whether the pressure group is active or not.

If \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ\) the group is active and the public sector payoff is \(w+{b^\circ }-{c}=w\).

If \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ\) the group is not active and the public sector payoff is w.

Proposition 1

More room for influence through bribes (a lower \(\beta\)) implies a higher degree of state capture, but it does not decrease the quality of politicians.

From lemma 1b, \({\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ =\beta \phi (b^\circ )\) implies \(\tfrac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ }{d\beta }=\phi (b^\circ )>0\).

The group still pays the same \(b^\circ =c\) but at a lower cost \(\beta \phi (b^\circ )\), given that \(\beta\) has decreased. The expected costs are lower, so the threshold \({\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ\) sufficient to cover the costs of political influence activity is also lowered.

From lemma 2, the payoff of politicians and hence their equilibrium quality is still w.

1.2.4 A.2.4 Results with bribes and punishment

Lemma 3a

An active group uses both bribes and punishment (\(b*>0;p*>0)\) and the total amount of pressure is such that (\(b^{*}+p^{*}=c\)).

The politician will accept the bribe as long as \(w+b-c\ge w-p\). Since all bargaining power lies with the pressure group, it will be sufficient that \(b=c-p\). By substituting the constraint in the objective function, the maximization problem becomes:

\(max_{p}\prod (b(p),p)=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p)\)

F.o.c. \(\gamma \beta \phi '(c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '(p)=0\)

We restate the f.o.c. as \(f(p)=0\). Given that:

  1. (1)

    f(p) is continuous (\(\phi\) and \(\psi\) are both continuous)

  2. (2)

    For \(p=c\), \(f(p)<0\): \(\gamma \beta \underbrace{\phi '(0)}_{=0}-(1-\gamma )\rho \underbrace{\psi '(c)}_{>0} <0\)

  3. (3)

    For \(p=0\), \(f(p)>0\): \(\gamma \beta \underbrace{\phi '(c)}_{>0}-(1-\gamma )\rho \underbrace{\psi '(0)}_{=0}>0\)

By the intermediate value theorem there exists a \(p^{*}\,\epsilon \,(0,c)\,|\,f(p^{*})=0\) (the f.o.c. is satisfied) and \(p^{*}>0.\)

S.o.c. \((-1)[\gamma \beta \underbrace{\phi ''(c-p)}_{>0}]-\underbrace{(1-\gamma )}_{>0}\rho \underbrace{\psi ''(p)}_{ >0}<0\)

Since the s.o.c. is also satisfied, there exists a maximizing \(p*\).

Moreover, since \(b=c-p\), also \(b^{*}\,\epsilon \;(0,c)\), both \({p^{*}}\) and \({b^{*}}\) are strictly positive, and \(b^{*}+p^{*}=c\).

Lemma 3b

The group only becomes active if \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}\equiv \frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi (p^{*})+\beta \phi (c-p^{*})\).

The total cost of the exerted pressure is \(\gamma \beta \phi (c-p^{*})+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p^{*})\). The pressure group becomes active if the expected benefit covers this cost: \(\prod (b^{*},p^{*})\ge 0\), or equivalently \(\gamma \pi \ge \gamma \beta \phi (c-p^{*})+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p^{*})\).

Given \(\prod (b^{*},p^{*})=0\) we find the threshold value for \(\pi\), below which the group is not active:

\(\prod (b^{*},p^{*})=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (b^{*})]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p^{*})=0\)

\(\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (b^{*})]=(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p^{*})\)

\({\widetilde{\pi }}=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi (p^{*})+\beta \phi (b^{*})=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi (p^{*})+\beta \phi (c-p^{*})\)

Lemma 4

In a world with bribes and punishment, the quality of politicians is \(w-p*\) if the group is active, and w if the group is not active.

If \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}\) the group is active. Accepting the bribe yields a payoff of \(w+b^{*}-c=w+c-p^{*}-c=w-p^{*}\). Refusing the bribe and receiving the punishment also yields a payoff of \(w-p^{*}\).

If \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}\quad \rightarrow \quad\) the group is not active and the public sector payoff is simply w.

1.2.5 A.2.5 Further results

Proposition 2

From lemma 1a and 3a, bribe offers are lower in a world with bribe and punishment.

Proposition 3

From lemma 2 and 4, if the pressure group is active, the quality of politicians is lower in a world with bribe and punishment.

Proposition 4

The degree of state capture is higher in a world with bribe and punishment \(({\widetilde{\pi }}<{\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ )\)

By lemma 3a, \(p^* > 0\). Therefore, putting \(p=0\) (as in the world without punishment) means putting a binding restriction (the unbounded maximum lies outside the set of values allowed by the constraint), and \(\prod (b^{*},p^{*})>\prod (b^\circ ,p=0)\)

As a result:

\(\gamma \pi -\gamma \beta \phi (c-p^{*})-(1-\gamma )\rho \phi (p^{*})>\gamma \pi -\gamma \beta \phi (c)\)

\(\beta \phi (c)>\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi (p^{*})+\beta \phi (c-p^{*})\)

\({\widetilde{\pi }}^\circ >{\widetilde{\pi }}\)

Lemma 5a

More room for influence through bribes (a lower \(\beta\)) implies higher bribes and lower punishment \((\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }>0\qquad ;\frac{db^{*}}{d\beta }<0)\).

Proof:

\(max_{p}\prod (b(p),p)=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p)\)

F.o.c. \(\gamma \beta \phi '(c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '(p)=0\)

Take p as a function of \(\beta\) and differentiate with respect to \(\beta\):

\(\gamma \beta \phi '[c-p^{*}(\beta )]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '[p^{*}(\beta )]=0\)

\(\gamma \phi '[c-p^{*}(\beta )]-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }[\phi ''(c-p^{*}(\beta )]-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\beta )]=0\)

\(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\left\{ [\phi ''(c-p^{*}(\beta )]+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\beta )]\right\} =\gamma \phi '[c-p^{*}(\beta )]\)

\(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }=\frac{\gamma \phi '[c-p^{*}(\beta )]}{[\phi ''(c-p^{*}(\beta )]+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\beta )]}>0\)

\(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }>0\)

Furthermore, since \(b^{*}=c-p^{*}\), \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }>0\) implies \(\frac{db^{*}}{d\beta }<0\).

Lemma 5b

More room for influence though punishment (a lower \(\rho\)) implies higher punishment and lower bribes \((\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }<0\qquad ;\frac{db^{*}}{d\rho }>0)\).

Proof:

\(max_{p}\prod (b(p),p)=\gamma [\pi -\beta \phi (c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi (p)\)

F.o.c. \(\gamma \beta \phi '(c-p)]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '(p)=0\)

Take p as a function of \(\rho\) and differentiate with respect to \(\rho\):

\(\gamma \beta \phi '[c-p^{*}(\rho )]-(1-\gamma )\rho \psi '[p^{*}(\rho )]=0\)

\(-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\gamma \beta \phi ''[c-p^{*}(\rho )]-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\rho )]-(1-\gamma )\psi '[p^{*}(\rho )]=0\)

- \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\left\{ \gamma \beta \phi ''[c-p^{*}(\rho )]+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\rho )]\right\} =(1-\gamma )\psi '[p^{*}(\rho )]\)

\(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }=-\frac{(1-\gamma )\psi '[p^{*}(\rho )]}{\gamma \beta \phi ''[c-p^{*}(\rho )]+(1-\gamma )\rho \psi ''[p^{*}(\rho )]}<0\)

\(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }<0\)

Furthermore, since \(b^{*}=c-p^{*}\), \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }<0\) implies \(\frac{db^{*}}{d\rho }>0\).

Proposition 5

More room for influence through bribes (a lower \(\beta\)) or punishment (a lower \(\rho\)) increases the degree of state capture (a lower \({\widetilde{\pi }}\)).

Proof:

\({\widetilde{\pi }}=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi (p^{*})+\beta \phi (c-p^{*})\)

Take \(p^{*}\) as a function of \(\beta\) and \(\rho\):

\(\frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\beta }=\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})+\phi (c-p^{*})\)

\(=\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }\underbrace{\left[ \frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})\right] }_{\text {=0 from f.o.c.}}+\phi (c-p^{*})=\phi (c-p^{*})>0\)

\(\Rightarrow \frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\beta }>0\)

\(\frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\rho }=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\psi (p^{*})+\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})\)

\(=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\psi (p^{*})+\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }\underbrace{\left[ \frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\rho \psi '(p^{*})-\beta \phi '(c-p^{*})\right] }_{\text {=0 from f.o.c.}}=\frac{(1-\gamma )}{\gamma }\psi (p^{*})>0\)

\(\Rightarrow \frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\rho }>0\)

Proposition 6a

More room for influence through bribes (a lower \(\beta\)) has an ambiguous effect on the payoff of politicians and their quality.

Assume \(\beta '<\beta\). From lemma 5a and proposition 5:

\({b}^{*\prime }>{b}^{*}\)

\({p}^{*\prime }<{p}^{*}\)

\({\widetilde{\pi }}^{\prime } < {\widetilde{\pi }}\)

Depending on the activity/inactivity of the pressure group, there will be three possible cases:

  1. 1.

    \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}\) and \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}'\) The group was also active before the lowering of the threshold. In this case, since the payoff \(w-p^{*}\) (lemma 4) and since \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\beta }>0\) (lemma 5 a), if \(\beta \downarrow\), \(p\downarrow\), the payoff and the quality of the politicians increase: \(V(\beta ')>V(\beta )\)

  2. 2.

    \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}\) and \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}'\) The group is inactive both before and after the lowering of the threshold. The minimum threshold, although lowered, is still too high and the pressure group would not be able to gain from the influencing activity, thus remaining inactive. The payoff w (lemma 4) remains unchanged, as does the quality of the politicians: \(V(\beta ')=V(\beta )\).

  3. 3.

    \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}\) and \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}'\) The group was inactive before and becomes active after the threshold is lowered. The payoff goes from w to \(w-p^{*}\) (lemma 4), with \(p^{*}>0\) (lemma 3). The payoff decreases and so does the quality of politicians: \(V(\beta ')<V(\beta )\).

Proposition 6b

More room for influence though punishment (a lower \(\rho\)) decreases the payoff of politicians and their quality.

Assume \(\rho '<\rho\). From lemma 5b and proposition 5:

\(b^{*'}<b^{*}\)

\(p^{*'}>p^{*}\)

\({\widetilde{\pi }}'<{\widetilde{\pi }}\)

Depending on the activity/inactivity of the pressure group, there will be three possible cases:

  1. 1.

    \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}\) and \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}'\) The group was also active before the lowering of the threshold. In this case, since the payoff \(w-p^{*}\) (lemma 4) and since \(\frac{dp^{*}}{d\rho }<0\) (lemma 5b, if \(\rho \downarrow\), \(p\uparrow\), the payoff and the quality of politicians decrease: \(V(\rho ')<V(\rho )\).

  2. 2.

    \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}\) and \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}'\) The group is inactive both before and after the lowering of the threshold. The payoff w (lemma 4) remains unchanged, as does the quality of the politicians: \(V(\rho ')=V(\rho )\).

  3. 3.

    \(\pi <{\widetilde{\pi }}\) and \(\pi \ge {\widetilde{\pi }}'\) The group was inactive before and becomes active after the threshold is lowered. The payoff goes from w to \(w-p^{*}\) (lemma 4), with \(p^{*}>0\) (lemma 3). The payoff decreases and so does the quality of politicians: \(V(\rho ')<V(\rho )\).

1.3 A.3 Public goods and endogenous punishment

We now assume that \(\rho\) is an increasing function of the level of public services: \(\frac{d\rho _{t}}{dg_{t}}>0\). From lemma 5b, we have that \(\frac{dp_{t}}{dg_{t}}<0\).

As a result, the public sector payoff increases as g (and \(\rho\)) increase:

\(V_{t}=w_{t}-p_{t}^{*}(\rho _{t}(g_{t}))\)

\(\frac{dV_{t}}{dg_{t}}=\frac{d\rho _{t}}{dg_{t}}\left( -\frac{dp_{t}^{*}}{d\rho _{t}}\right) =-\frac{dp_{t}^{*}}{dg_{t}}>0\)

And by assumption: \(\frac{d^{2}V_{t}}{d^{2}g_{t}}<0\).

Consider an increase in public goods such that \(\rho '>\rho\). From proposition 5, \(\frac{d{\widetilde{\pi }}}{d\rho }>0\), and \({\widetilde{\pi }}(\rho ')>{\widetilde{\pi }}(\rho )\quad\). Now, depending on whether the increase in \({\widetilde{\pi }}\) is such that \(\pi\) is exceeded or not, two cases can occur:

  1. 1.

    \({\widetilde{\pi }} > \pi\). The group switches to inactivity, and the public sector payoff increases discretely from \(w-p*\) to w.

  2. 2.

    \({\widetilde{\pi }} < \pi\). The group remains active and the public sector payoff increases continuously because \(p^{*}(\rho ')<p^{*}(\rho )\).

Appendix B: Descriptive statistics

Table 6 Descriptive Statistics
Table 7 Local public spending components (2004–2015)

Table 7 presents detailed summary statistics of each local public spending component. These include: administrative expenses (spending on municipal administrative structures); roads and transport (spending on local public transportation, public lighting, road construction, and maintenance); education (spending on school services, infrastructure, building maintenance, canteen service, and local school transportation); social services (spending on the provision of social services and the construction and maintenance of facilities such as childcare centers and elderly residences); environment, a function divided into several sub-items, including expenditures on waste management (service delivery, construction, and maintenance of facilities), expenditures on social housing and urban planning, and expenditures on water service delivery. The municipal budgets also include spending for municipal police, culture (promotion of cultural activities, maintenance and construction of theatres, libraries, and museums), sport (maintenance and construction of municipal sports facilities, organization of local events), tourism, justice (expenditures for the maintenance and management of judicial offices), productive services and expenditure for local economic development (classified as “Other” in the table).

Table 8 Total per-capita spending before, during, and after commissioner administration
Table 9 T-test on differences in average total per-capita spending

Appendix C: Southern Italian regions

See Table 10

Table 10 Southern Italian regions

Appendix D: Larger set of control variables

See Table 11

Table 11 Descriptive statistics for the larger set of control variables

Appendix E: Covariate balance before and after refinement

See Figs. 3 and 4

Fig. 3
figure 3

Covariate Balance Before and After Refinement. Notes: Each scatter plot compares the absolute value of standardized mean difference for each covariate before and after refinement using propensity score weighting. Each row represents the results using different lag lenghts, whereas each column represents results related to different outcome variables. Dots below the 45-degree line indicate that the standardized mean balance improves after refinement

Fig. 4
figure 4

Covariate Balance Over the Pre-treatment Time Period. Notes: Each plot shows the standardized mean difference over the pre-treatment period of three years. The solid black line represents the balance of the lagged outcome variable, whereas the grey lines represent that of other time varying covariates. The first row shows the balance before refinement (that is, after matching only on treatment history). The second row shows the balance after refining on past outcomes and past punishment activities from the mafia group, as suggested by the sufficient statistic approach. Finally, the third row presents covariate balance after refining for the full set of controls. Due to low variation within each municipality, corruption indices and the number of confiscations per capita are not plotted.

Appendix F: Randomly assigned placebo treatment

See Table 12

Table 12 Randomly assigned placebo treatment

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Fontana, S., d’Agostino, G. Anti-mafia policies and public goods in Italy. Public Choice 198, 493–529 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-023-01139-9

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