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The Worlds of Labor in Ghana’s Gold Mining Industry, c. 1895–1957

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  08 April 2024

Gareth Curless*
Affiliation:
Independent Researcher, UK

Abstract

The global turn has contributed to a revitalization of labor history. Historians have become increasingly attentive to the varied forms of labor commodification that existed under capitalism. Many historians have welcomed this approach which challenges the universalism of “free” wage labor. Critics, however, have warned that global labor history risks re-inscribing the power of capital at the expense of local specificities, particularly in terms of the plurality of labor’s worlds and its (dis)connections with capital. This is not a new debate within African studies. Since the 1980s, historians of Africa have questioned the privileging of wage labor at the expense of other forms of labor and the focus on (post)colonial workplace relations to the exclusion of other relational power structures which shaped the behavior of African men and women. This article takes up these debates by focusing on different forms of labor connected to the gold mining industry in colonial Ghana. The article argues that African men and women involved in the mining sector, including mineworkers, petty traders, and sex workers, responded to their experience of commodification in ways that were about more than just their status as abstract sellers of labor power. What emerges from this analysis is a more nuanced understanding of the strategies and aspirations of African labor which was connected to the mining sector. That is to say, where colonial officials saw working patterns that were purportedly symptomatic of the “lazy” and “ill-disciplined” character of African labor, this article demonstrates otherwise. The behavior of African labor associated with the mining sector was indicative of choices that were made in accordance with individual and collective needs connected to issues of class, gender, and generation, which, in turn, were “entangled” with capitalist market imperatives but not necessarily determined by them.

Type
Article
Copyright
© The Author(s), 2024. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of International Labor and Working-Class History, Inc.

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References

Notes

1. Marcel van der Linden, “The Promise and Challenges of Global Labor History,” International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 57–76.

2. Ralph Callebert and Raji Singh Soni, “Claims of Labor in Globalization: Africa, Citizenship, and the Integral State,” Socialism and Democracy 32, no. 2 (2018): 88–9.

3. Franco Barchiesi, “How Far from Africa’s Shore? A Response to Marcel van der Linden’s Map for Global Labor History,” International Labor and Working-Class History 82 (2012): 77–84, especially 82.

4. See, for example, Ralph Callebert’s On Durban’s Docks: Zulu Workers, Rural Households, Global Labor (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2017).

5. See, for example, Cassandra Mark-Thiesen's excellent Mediators, Contract Men, and Colonial Capital: Mechanized Gold Mining in the Gold Coast Colony, 1879–1909 (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2018).

6. The works published in Heinemann’s Social History of Africa series are the exemplar of such approaches.

7. Tariq Omar, A Local History of Global Capital: Jute and Peasant Life in the Bengal Delta (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2018), 10.

8. I avoid categorizing the Nigerian women who engaged in prostitution as “prostitutes” because of its pejorative connotations. However, “prostitution” has been retained in order to distinguish the forms of commercialized sex work which colonialism generated from pre-colonial precedents. For a general discussion of the ethical issues associated with the nomenclature of prostitution, see: Magaly Rodríguez Garcia, Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, and Lex Heerma van Voss, “Selling Sex in World Cities, 1600s–2000s: An Introduction,” in Selling Sex in the City: A Global History of Prostitution, 1600s-2000s, eds. Magaly Rodríguez Garcia, Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk, and Lex Heerma van Voss (Leiden: Brill, 2017), 1–22.

9. For a helpful discussion of the challenges confronting historians seeking to make sense of these issues in eatern and southern African contexts, see: Diana Jeater, “African Women in Colonial Settler Towns in East and Southern Africa,” Oxford Research Encyclopaedia of African History, accessed August 2, 2023, https://oxfordre.com/africanhistory/view/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.001.0001/acrefore-9780190277734-e-665.

10. Frederick Cooper, “Work, Class and Empire: An African Historian’s Retrospective on E. P. Thompson,” Social History 20, no. 2 (1995): 235–41, especially 239–41.

11. Ibid., 239.

12. See, for example, Hanan Hammad’s Industrial Sexuality: Gender, Urbanisation, and Social Transformation (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2016).

13. On the pre-colonial history of gold mining see Raymond Dumett, El Dorado in West Africa: The Gold-Mining Frontier, African Labor, Colonial Capitalism in the Gold Coast, 1875–1900 (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 1998), chapters two and three.

14. Mark-Thiesen, Mediators, Contract Men, and Colonial Capital, 26–32; Jim Silver, “The Failure of European Mining Communities in the Nineteenth-Century Gold Coast,” Journal of African History 22, no. 4 (1981): 511–29.

15. Raymond Dumett, Imperialism, Economic Development and Social Change in West Africa (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2013), chapter five.

16. Report on the Mining Industry for the Year in 1905 (London: Waterlow and Sons Limited, 1906), 6.

17. Martin Staniland, The Lions of Dagbon: Political Change in Northern Ghana (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), chapter three; Jeff Crisp, The Story of An African Working Class: Ghanaian Miners’ Struggles, 1870-1980 (London: Zed Books, 1984), 25–31.

18. Annual Report on the Northern Territories for the Year 1905 (London: HMSO, 1906), 9.

19. Ibid., 8.

20. Roger G. Thomas, “Forced Labour in British West Africa: The Case of the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast, 1906–1927,” Journal of African History 14, no. 1 (1973): 79–103.

21. Annual Report on the Northern Territories for the Year 1918 (London: HMSO, 1918), 4.

22. Crisp, The Story of An African Working Class, 42.

23. Report on the Mining Department for the Year 1920 (Accra: Government Printer, 1922), 3–4.

24. Raymond Dumett, “Disease and Mortality among Gold Miners of Ghana: Colonial Government and Mining Companies Attitudes and Policies, 1900–1938,” Social Science Medicine 37, no. 2 (1993): 213–32, especially 221–2.

25. David Kimble, A Political History of Ghana: The Rise of Gold Coast Nationalism, 1850-1928 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), 43; International Labour Organisation Archives, Geneva, G900/76/2, Report on a Mission to British West African Dependencies, 1934, 34–47.

26. The National Archives, London (hereafter TNA), CO 96/486, John Pickersgill Roger, Governor of the Gold Coast, to the Earl of Crewe, Secretary of State for the Colonies, 3 February 1910.

27. Alice Wiemers, “‘It is All He Can Do to Cope with the Roads in His Own District’: Labor, Community, and Development in Northern Ghana, 1919–1936,” International Labor and Working-Class History 92 (2017): 91.

28. Jeff Grischow, Shaping Tradition: Civil Society, Community and Development in Colonial Northern Ghana, 1899-1957 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), chapters two to six, especially chapter five.

29. Ibid., 114–19.

30. Ibid., 110.

31. Brenda Chalfin, Shea Butter Republic: State Power Global Markets and the Making of an Indigenous Community (New York: Routledge, 2004), 121–24.

32. Ibid., 96.

33. Ibid., 98.

34. Natalie Swanpoel, “Small Change: Cowries, Coins, and the Currency Transition in the Northern Territories of Colonial Ghana,” in Materializing Colonial Encounters: Archaeologies of African Experience, ed. Francois Richard (New York: Springer, 2015), 53–4.

35. Swanpoel, “Small Change,” 49–50; Domenico Cristofaro, “‘Here There Is No Gold Standard. Cows Are the Standard’. Multiple Currencies, Colonial Taxation and Monetary Transition in Upper Ghana (1896–1936),” in Monetary Transitions: Currencies, Colonialism and African Societies, ed. Karin Pallaver (Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021), 31–53.

36. Chalfin, Shea Butter Republic, 100.

37. Ibid.

38. Annual Report of the Northern Territories for the Year 1923-24 (Accra: Government Printer, 1924), 21.

39. Northern Territories Report on the Blue Book for 1914 (Accra: Government Printer, N.D.), 8.

40. Holgar Weiss, “Crop Failures, Food Shortages and Colonial Famine Relief Policies in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast,” Ghana Studies 6 (2003): 5–58.

41. Annual Report on the Northern Territories for the Year 1936-37 (N.D., N.P.), 28–29; British Library Endangered Archives (hereafter BLEA) EAP541/1/3/74, Annual Report for Lawra-Tumu District 1938–39, 24, accessed August 1, 2023, https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP541-1-3-74. On the relationship between direct taxation, indirect rule, and the shift to paid forms of communal labour, see: Sarah Kunkel’s, “Taxation Without Resistance: Native Treasuries in the Northern Territories,” Ghana Studies 22 (2019): 114–45.

42. Report on the Northern Territories for the Period, 1926-27 (Accra: Government Printer, N.D.), 15–16.

43. Chalfin, Shea Butter Republic, 124.

44. BLEA, EAP935/3/3/10, NRG3/3/10, Annual Report on the Mamprusi District for 1935-36, 25, accessed August 1, 2023, https://eap.bl.uk/archive-file/EAP935-3-3-10.

45. Carola Lentz, Ethnicity and the Making of History in Northern Ghana (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2006), 146–7; Sean Hawkins, Writing and Colonialism in Northern Ghana: The Encounter Between the LoDagaa and “The World on Paper”, 1892–1991 (Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 63; Gariba B. Abdul-Korah, “‘Ka Biε Ba Yor’: Labor Migration among the Dagaaba of the Upper West Region of Ghana, 1936–1957,” Nordic Journal of African Studies 17, no. 1 (2008): 8.

46. BLEA, EAP54/1/3/74, Annual Report on Lawra-Tumu District, 1938–39, 33.

47. TNA, CO 96/760/16, J. R. Dickinson, Chief Inspector of Labour, Report on Labour Conditions in the Gold Coast, July 1938, 5.

48. Ibid.; BLEA, EAP54/1/3/74, PRAAD-Tamale, NRG, 8/3/78, Annual Report on Lawra-Tumu District, 1938–39, 32.

49. Lentz, Ethnicity and the Making of History, 146–147.

50. For a discussion of this complex relationship and the relevant scholarship, see Bianca Murillo's Market Encounters: Consumer Cultures in Twentieth-Century Ghana (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2017), 1–27.

51. Meyer Fortes, The Dynamics of Clanship Among the Tallensi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1945), 11, n. 11; Hawkins, Writing and Colonialism in Northern Ghana, chapter 2; Jean Allman and John Parker, Tongnaab: A History of a West African God (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006), 61–2.

52. See, for example, Jeremy Prestholdt, Domesticating the World: African Consumerism and the Genealogies of Globalization (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2008); Timothy Burke, Lifebuoy Men, Lux Women: Commodification, Consumption and Cleanliness in Modern Zimbabwe (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996).

53. Madeleine Père, Les Lobis: Traditions et Changement, 2 vols (Paris: Siloë, 1988), 375 cited in Hawkins, Writing and Colonialism in Northern Ghana, 63; BLEA, EAP54/1/3/74, PRAAD-Tamale, NRG, 8/3/78, Annual Report on Lawra-Tumu District, 1938–39, 33.

54. Abdul-Korah, “‘Ka Biε Ba Yor’”, 12.

55. Meyer Fortes, “The First Born”, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 15 (1974), 81–104.

56. Richard Waller, “Rebellious Youth in Colonial Africa,” The Journal of African History 47, no. 1 (2006): 77–92, especially 79–80.

57. Allman and Parker, Tongnaab, 93; Jack Goody, The Social Organisation of the LoWiili (London: H.M.S.O., 1956), 10; Meyer Fortes, “Culture Contact as a Dynamic Process. An Investigation in the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast,” Africa 9, no. 1 (1936): 44–5.

58. John Parker, “The Dynamics of Fieldwork Among the Talensi: Meyer Fortes in Northern Ghana, 1934–7,” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 83, no. 4 (2013), 623–45.

59. Meyer Fortes, The Web of Kinship Among the Tallensi (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1949), 73, 140, 206–8.

60. Churchill Archives Centre Cambridge (hereafter CAC), Spears Papers, SPRS 3/1/83, J.E. Griffin, Report to Visit to the Northern Territories, 20 to 29 March 1952, 4.

61. Carola Lentz, Land, Mobility, and Belonging in West Africa (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2013), 33–4.

62. TNA, CO 96/760/16, J. R. Dickinson, Chief Inspector of Labour, Report on Labour Conditions in the Gold Coast, July 1938, 9.

63. For equivalent arguments in the context of Nigeria see Carolyn Brown, “A ‘Man’ in a Village is a ‘Boy’ in the Workplace: Colonial Racism, Worker Militance, and Igbo Notions of Masculinity”, in Men and Masculinities in Modern Africa, eds. Stephen F. Miescher and Lisa A. Lindsay (Portsmouth: New Hampshire, 2003), 156–74.

64. TNA, CO 98/62, Report on the Medical Department for the Year 1932-33 (Accra: Government Printer, 1933), 32.

65. Lentz, Ethnicity and the Making of History, 150–52.

66. Crisp, The Story of an African Working Class, chapter four.

67. Report on the Mines Department for the Year 1935-36 (Accra: Government Printer, 1936), 9.

68. The Gold Coast, 1931: A Review of Conditions in the Gold Coast in 1931 as Compared with those of 1921 (Accra: Government Printer, 1931), 246; Crisp, The Story of an African Working Class, 62–3.

69. Ghana, National Archives, File P.7/1938, cited in Peter Gutkind, The Emergent African Proletariat (Montreal: Centre for Developing Area Studies, 1974), 26.

70. Crisp, The Story of an African Working Class, 64–65.

71. Don Robotham, Militants or Proletarians? The Economic Culture of Underground Gold Miners in Southern Ghana, 1906-1970, Cambridge African Monographs (Cambridge: African Studies Centre, 1989), 38.

72. T. Dunbar Moodie with Vivienne Ndatshe, Going for Gold, 42, cited in Mark-Thiesen, “The ‘Bargain’ of Collaboration”, 21.

73. Annual Report on the Social and Economic Progress of the People of the Gold Coast, 1936–37 (London: HMSO, 1938), 22.

74. Claire Robertson, “Invisible Workers: African Women and the Problem of the Self-Employed in Labour History,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 13, no. 1–2 (1988): 180–98. For a more recent discussion of informal sector workers as a constituent component of the working class, see Joshua Lew McDermott, “Understanding West Africa’s Informal Workers as Working Class,” Review of African Political Economy 48, no. 170 (2021): 609–29.

75. Robertston, “Invisible Workers”, 188.

76. Of course, whilst the labor of female migrants from Nigeria may not have been recognised, by tthe 1940s and 1950s, their visibility in urban centres such as Obuasi was a source of comment in reports. Hoover Institution Archive, Stanford, (hereafter HIA), David Brokensha Collection, Box 1, Folder “General”, A Social Survey of Obuasi (November, 1953), 11–12.

77. On pre-colonial forms of prostitution and its changing character during the colonial period, see: Emmanuel Akyeampong, “Sexuality and Prostitution among the Akan of the Gold Coast, c. 1650–1950,” Past & Present 156, no. 1 (1997): 144–73.

78. 20 shillings to the West African Pound. HIA, A Social Survey of Obuasi, 11–12.

79. Benedict B. B. Naanen, “‘Itinerant Gold Mines’: Prostitution in the Cross River Basin of Nigeria, 1930–1950,” African Studies Review 34, no. 2 (1991): 57–79; Saheed Aderinto, “Journey to Work: Transnational Prostitution in Colonial British West Africa,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 24, no. 1 (2015): 99–124.

80. For a discussion of the ambiguities regarding the agency of Nigerian women involved in cross-border movement for the purposes of prostitution in the Gold Coast, see: Carina Ray, “Sex Trafficking, Prostitution, and the Law in Colonial British West Africa, 1911–1943,” in Trafficking in Slavery’s Wake: Law and the Experience of Women and Children, ed. Benjamin N. Lawrance and Richard L. Roberts (Athens, OH: Ohio University Press, 2012), 101–20.

81. TNA, CO 96/760/16, J. R. Dickinson, Report on Labour Conditions in the Gold Coast, July 1938, 26.

82. HIA, A Social Survey of Obuasi, 12.

83. Akyeampong, “Sexuality and Prostitution”, 159–60; Penelope Roberts, “The State and the Regulation of Marriage: Sefwi Wiawso (Ghana), 1900–40,” in Women, State and Ideology: Studies from Africa and Asia, ed. Halah Ashfer (London: Macmillan, 1987), 48–69.

84. TNA, CO 96/760/16, J. R. Dickinson, Report on Labour Conditions in the Gold Coast, July 1938, 24.

85. Akyeampong, “Sexuality and Prostitution”, 161.

86. This is a point that has been made in relation to many other African contexts. The classic account remains Luise White's Comforts of Home: Prostitution in Colonial Nairobi (Chicago, IL: Chicago University Press, 1990).

87. HIA, A Social Survey of Obuasi, 12.

88. Gracia Clark, Onions Are My Husband: Survival and Accumulation by West African Market Women (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 95–116, especially 108–16. See also: Bianca Murillo, ‘Female Credit Customers, the United Africa Company and Consumer Markets in Postwar Ghana’, in Consuming Behaviours: Identity, Politics and Pleasure in Twentieth-Century Britain, eds. Erika Rappaport, Sandra Trudgen Dawson and Mark J. Crowley (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015), 159–78.

89. HIA, A Social Survey of Obuasi, 9.

90. Murillo, Market Encounters, chapter two, especially 74–85.

91. Ibid., 61–62, 75.

92. Gracia Clark, “African Market Women, Market Queens, and Merchant Queens”, Oxford Research Encyclopedias, African History, 1, accessed April 26, 2023, https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190277734.013.268.

93. Ibid., 6–7.

94. TNA, CO 96/750/8, Minutes of a Conference Between Government and Members of the Chamber of Mines Held at the Office of the Secretary of Mines on 29 July 1937.

95. Miles Larmer, “Permanent Precarity: Capital and Labour in the Central African Copperbelt,” Labor History 58, no. 2 (2017): 170–14.

96. Jeffrey S. Ahlman, Ghana: A Social and Political History (London: Zed Books, 2023), chapters four and five.

97. Frederick Cooper, Decolonization and African Society: The Labour Question in British and French Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 248–57.

98. Crisp, The Story of An African Working Class, 76–93.

99. Ibid., 84–89.

100. This is not to suggest that the issue has been disregarded altogether. See, for example, Sarah Stockwell’s The Business of Decolonization: British Business Strategies in the Gold Coast (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 178.

101. Report on the Labour Department for the Year 1947-48 (Accra: Government Printer, 1949), 7.

102. The Labour Department report for 1947–1948 recorded that northern migrants were marrying local Asante women and female migrants who migrated southward from the Northern Territories. It was also reported that up to 10 percent of northern migrants sent for their wives once they had secured regular work. Report, 1947–48, 8.

103. Clark, Onions Are My Husband, 116–17; Annual Report, 1947–48, 7.

104. For a discussion of Nigerian female market traders and the reasons behind their support for male trade unionists in Nigeria during the 1945 general strike, see: Lisa Lindsay, “Domesticity and Difference: Male Breadwinners, Working Women, and Colonial Citizenship in the 1945 Nigerian General Strike,” American Historical Review 104, no. 3 (1999): 783–812, especially 799-800.

105. Frederick Cooper, “Conflict and Connection: Rethinking Colonial African History,” The American Historical Review 99, no. 5 (1994): 1516–45, especially 1544.

106. The colony’s labor officer, I.G. Jones, referred to the exploitation of mineworkers by unspecified “traders” in one of his reports. Public Records and Archives Administration Department-Accra, CSO 21/8/48, Labour Conditions at Obuasi, Report by I.G. Jones (N.D.).

107. J. Benibengor Blay, The Gold Coast Mines Employees’ Union (Ilfracombe: A. H. Stockwell, 1950), 179, 183, 186, and 206.

108. For similar demands presented by Nigerian trade unionists, which also emphasised men's familial responsibilities, see Lindsay, “Domesticity and Difference”, 802–03.

109. On the demands presented by the MEU, see In the Matter of the Trades Dispute (Arbitration and Inquiry) Ordinance, 1941 and in the End Matter of a Trade Dispute between the Matter of a Trade Dispute between the Gold Coast Mines Employees Union and the Gold Coast Chamber of Mines Award of the Arbitrator (Accra: Government Printer, 1947), 8.

110. Robotham, Militants or Proletarians?, 49.

111. In the Matter of the Trades Dispute, 44–7.

112. Jeff Crisp, “Productivity and Protest: Scientific Management in the Ghanaian Gold Mines, 1947-1956,” in Struggle for the City: Migrant Labor, Capital, and the State in Urban Africa, ed. Frederick Cooper (Beverley Hills: Sage Publications, 1983), 106–7.

113. Crisp, The Story of African Working Class, 71–5.

114. On the stabilization in post-1945 Africa see Cooper’s Decolonization and African Society, 324–60.

115. Stockwell, The Business of Decolonization, 177–79.

116. Ibid., Appendix Four, Gold Coast Mines Employees Union, 102–3.

117. International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam (hereafter IISH), ICFTU Papers, Folder 3776, Minutes of a Meeting Between the Gold Coast Chamber of Mines and the Gold Coast Mines Employees Union Held at Tarkwa on 28 December 1954.

118. IISH, Miners’ International Federation Archives (MIF), Folder 277, Replies by the Chamber of Mines to the Points (A) to (U) Put Forward by the Union in Support of an all-round wage increase in meeting no. 3 of the 8th JNC meeting held on 19 October 1954, 2–4, quote on 4.

119. Crisp, The Story of an African Working Class, 109 and 115–21.

120. Stockwell, The Business of Decolonization, 168–69; Crisp, “Scientific Management”, 123–24.

121. Larmer, “Permanent Precarity”.

122. TNA, CO 554/226, Report of the Mines Labour Enquiry Committee, 34; Carola Lentz and Veit Erlman, “A Working Class in Formation? Economic Crisis and Strategies of Survival among Dagara Mine Workers in Ghana”, Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 113 (1989): 78–87.

123. IISH, MIF, JNC Meeting No. 7, Minutes of Meeting between the Gold Coast Chamber of Mines and the Gold Coast Mines Employees Union held at Tarkwa on 20 April 1954, 4.

124. TNA, CO 96/760/16, J. R. Dickinson, Report on Labour Conditions in the Gold Coast, July 1938, 8. For the second half of the twentieth century, see: See Lentz and Erlman, “A Working Class in Formation”, 87–90.

125. London Metropolitan Archives, Ashanti Goldfields Corporation Papers, Inwards Correspondence, MS 141171/47, Report by the Labour Officer, I.G. Jones, March 1945, 2; Lentz and Erlman, “A Working Class in Formation”, 76–82. More generally, Callebert makes a similar point about Durban's dockworkers in his On Durban's Docks.

126. James Ferguson, “Mobile Workers, Modernist Narratives: A Critique of the Historiography of Transition on the Zambian Copperbelt”, Journal of Southern African Studies 16, no. 3 (1990): 385–412 as cited and summarized in Cooper, Decolonisation and African Society, 337.

127. Frederick Cooper makes a similar point about the complexities of casual labour in the port of Mombasa in his On the African Waterfront: Urban Disorder and the Transformation of Work in Colonial Mombasa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987).

128. Piet Konings, The Political Potential of Ghanaian Miners: A Case Study of the AGC Workers at Obuasi (Leiden: African Studies Studies Centre, 1980), 28–40.

129. CAC, Sir Edward Spears Papers, SPRS 3/1/178, B. Hamilton, Security Department Obuasi, to the General Mines Manager, AGC Intelligence Report No. 416, 14 December 1955; Telegraph from [?] to Major General Sir Edward Spears, 12 December 1955.

130. Sean Hawkins, ““The Woman in Question”: Marriage and Identity in the Colonial Courts of Northern Ghana, 1907–1954”, in Women in Colonial African Histories, eds. Jeans Allman, Susan Geiger, Nakanyike Musisi (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 116–43.