Quantifier Raising usually exhibits finite-clause boundedness due to the syntactic and semantic constraints it is subject to (Fox 1995, 2000, Cecchetto 2004, a.o.). In this paper, I argue that QR out of a Mandarin prenominal pre-determiner RC is not only properly licensed, obeying both syntactic and semantic constraints, but also needed to account for the exceptional-scope effects observed across relative clause boundaries (Huang 1982, Aoun and Li 1993, a.o.). I further consider constructions where the exceptional-scope effects are not present, including relative clauses containing the focus-sensitive operator dou and full-sized subject RCs, and show that the absence of the exceptional-scope effects in these constructions follows directly from the proposed analysis.

量词提升通常表现出有限子句有界性，因为它受到句法和语义约束（Fox 1995, 2000, Cecchetto 2004, ao）。在这篇论文中，我认为来自普通话预名词预限定词 RC 的 QR 不仅得到了适当的许可，同时遵守句法和语义约束，而且还需要考虑跨越关系从句边界观察到的异常范围效应（Huang 1982，奥恩和李 1993，ao)。我进一步考虑了不存在异常范围效应的结构，包括包含焦点敏感运算符dou和全尺寸主题 RC 的相关子句，并表明这些结构中不存在异常范围效应直接来自所提议的分析。