This paper offers a compositional analysis of Mandarin universal wh’s in construction with an additive/scalar adverb ye ‘also/even’. In the analysis, universal force is derived from exhaustification of the subdomain alternatives activated by wh-items under stress, and the tendency of wh-ye to appear in negative sentences is explained by the interaction between ye and domain widening. Specifically, the ye in wh-ye is argued to be a scalar ye imposing a total order presupposition on its associated set of alternatives. In wh-ye it associates with the domain argument of the wh, and the requirement can be met by either an ordered wh or a two-point scale \(\langle D',D \rangle \) made available through domain widening, specifically by widening of QUDs. The negative preference follows from the fact that a QUD is most naturally widened when it is settled negatively, as in the case of negatively biased questions with minimizers/maximizers.

本文对带有加性/标量副词“也/甚至”的普通话通用 wh 结构进行了成分分析。在分析中，普遍力源自于压力下wh项激活的子域替代项的穷举，而wh - ye出现在否定句中的趋势则由ye与域拓宽之间的相互作用来解释。具体来说，wh - ye中的ye被认为是标量ye，在其相关的备选方案集上强加了全序预设。在wh - ye它与wh的域参数相关联，并且可以通过有序wh或通过域加宽（特别是通过 QUD 加宽）提供的两点刻度\(\langle D',D \rangle \)来满足要求。负面偏好源于这样一个事实：当 QUD 被负面解决时，它最自然地被扩大，就像带有最小化器/最大化器的负偏向问题的情况一样。